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Šta je uzrokovalo široku popularnost kafe?

Šta je uzrokovalo široku popularnost kafe?

Šta je uzrokovalo široku popularnost kafe? Na primjer, je li to bio marketinški napor zemalja sa kolonijama koje su bile pogodne za uzgoj kave? Jesu li navodne zdravstvene prednosti učinile popularan? Je li populariziran posebno zbog sadržaja kofeina?


Ovo je široko pitanje, ali mislim da biste trebali ispitati šta su ljudi govorili o kafi u ranoj istoriji pića.

"... otjerao je umor i letargiju i donio tijelu određenu vitalnost i snagu."

-Abd al-Qadir al-Jaziri, 1587, citirano u Svijetu kofeina od Bennetta Alana Weinberga, Bonnie K. Bealer.

"Napitak crn kao mastilo, koristan protiv brojnih bolesti, posebno želudačnih."

-Leonard Rauwolf, Reise in die Morgenländer, 1583, citirano u Wikipediji.

"Ono što ga čini hladnim je njegova stiptiknes. Ljeti je, prema iskustvu, otkriveno da dovodi do sušenja reume, kašlja i destilacije flegmatika, otvaranja prepreka i izazivanja mokrenja. To je sada poznato po ime Kohwah. Kad se osuši i temeljito iscjedi, ublažava erupciju krvi, dobar je protiv malih boginja i ospica, mutnih prištića; ipak izaziva vrtoglavice u glavi i znatno se naginje, uzrokuje buđenje i Emrodse, i guši požudu, a ponekad se razmnožava melanholično. "

--Dr. Edward Pocoke, Priroda pića Kauhi ili kava i bobica od koje se pravi, opisao arapski fizićanin, 1659. Citirano u Sve o kafi William H. Ukers, 1922.

Sledeće se takođe citira u Sve o kafi:

"Ovo piće uzimaju svako jutro posteći u svojim odajama, iz zemljanog lonca, budući da su verie hote, kao što mi ovdje pijemo ujutro aquacompositu [49]: i kažu da ih jača i zagrijava, lomi vjetar i otvara svako zaustavljanje. "

- Bernard Ten Broeke Paludanus, 1590-ih

"... Pijenje određenog likera, koji oni nazivaju Coffe, koji je napravljen od sjemenki slično sjemenkama gorušice, koje će uskoro opiti mozak poput našeg Metheglina."

- William Parry, 1601

Oh, dovraga, evo zbirke tvrdnji o kafi u to vrijeme, iz Sve o kafi:

  • "Dobro za glavu i stomak."
  • "Izaziva dobru mješavinu i tjera sanju."
  • "... pomaže, kako se kaže, probavi i osigurava spretnost ..."
  • "... Vrlo je dobro pomoći probavi, ubrzati duhove i očistiti krv."
  • "... Utješava mozak i srce i pomaže probavu."
  • "... Zdravo, kažu, ako je vruće, jer izbacuje melanholiju."
  • "... isušuje bolesne Humours u želucu, tješi Mozak, nikada ne izaziva pijanstvo ili bilo kakvu drugu višak, i bezopasna je zabava dobrog druženja."

Dakle, poenta je u tome da ste imali mnogo ljudi koji su širili glas o kafi - sugerišući da ona tjera umor, ali i da ima medicinske koristi. To je stimulans, a ljudi imaju tendenciju da vole stimulanse, a ovaj ima prilično ugodan miris kada se pripremi - mislim da je priča bila vjerovatno dovoljna da proširi svoju popularnost.

--


Sljedeći trenutak mi je bio zanimljiv u vezi s usvajanjem kave. Kava je mogla biti ekskomunicirana iz katoličanstva, ali ju je spasio papa Klement VIII (1535-1605) i proglasio je istinski kršćanskim pićem. (Kliknite na citat da vidite kontekst citata)

"Pa, ovo sotonino piće je toliko ukusno da bi bilo šteta dopustiti nevjernicima da ga isključivo koriste. Zavarat ćemo Sotonu tako što ćemo ga krstiti i učiniti ga istinski kršćanskim pićem."

by Ukers, William H. (William Harrison), Sve o kafi, Gutenberg izdanje


Mislim da je to više pitanje biologije nego historije. Kafa:

  • Ima učinke koji su gotovo potpuno pozitivni u umjerenim dozama
  • Ima efekte koji se općenito mogu smatrati pozitivnim za društvo. (Tj. Tjera ljude da rade više.)
  • Nema očiglednih negativnih efekata
  • Ovisnost je

Čini se da je tvar s tim značajkama predodređena za popularnost.


Istorija osiguranja

Ako je rizik poput tinjajućeg ugljena koji u svakom trenutku može izazvati požar, osiguranje je civilizacijski aparat za gašenje požara. Glavni koncept osiguranja - koncept širenja rizika na mnoge - star je koliko i ljudsko postojanje. Bilo da se radi o lovu na divovskog losa u grupi kako bi se proširio rizik od smrti ili transport tereta u nekoliko različitih karavana kako se ne bi izgubila cijela pošiljka u pljačkaškom plemenu, ljudi su uvijek bili oprezni od rizika. Zemlje i njihovi građani moraju raspodijeliti rizik na veliki broj ljudi i prenijeti rizik na subjekte koji se s njim mogu nositi. Tako je nastalo osiguranje.

Key Takeaways

  • Ono što neki smatraju prvom pisanom policom osiguranja pronađeno je na jednom drevnom babilonskom spomeniku.
  • U srednjovjekovnoj Evropi pojavio se cehovski sistem, sa članovima koji su uplaćivali novac u fond koji je pokrivao njihove gubitke.
  • U 1600 -ima, brodovi koji plove u Novi svijet osigurali bi više investitora za širenje rizika.
  • Užasni Veliki požar u Londonu 1666. godine doveo je do osiguranja od požara.
  • Životno osiguranje postalo je sve rasprostranjenije i pristupačnije nakon pronalaska tablica mortaliteta, što je pomoglo u predviđanju dugovječnosti.

Kafa i građanski rat

Kava je imala dugu i prosperitetnu povijest sa širokim porijeklom, ali je njena potrošnja tokom Građanskog rata, ili alternativno, jedinstvene zamjene za nedostatak kave u Konfederaciji, dovedena do zapanjujućih visina. U Sjedinjenim Državama kava nije bila široko prihvaćena sve do Američke revolucije, kada je Velika Britanija uvela poreze i carine na uvezeni čaj. Ove tarife su razbjesnile američke koloniste, što je na kraju pokrenulo Bostonsku čajanku u decembru 1773. Kao rezultat toga, patriote su nagovorili da umjesto toga uživaju u kafi, jer je čaj ostao nepatriotski. U pismu svojoj supruzi, John Adams je izjavio da želi iskreno krijumčareni čaj, ali kada je to odbio i umjesto toga ponudio kafu u gostionici u Falmouthu u Massachusettsu, izjavio je: „Od tada pijem kafu svako popodne i vrlo sam to podnio dobro. Čaj se mora univerzalno odreći. Moram biti odviknut, i što prije, to bolje. ” Slijedili su ga i drugi patrioti, i koliko god se nekad činilo da je kafa neukusna, postala je omiljeno piće nakon revolucije.

“Bostonska čajanka” W.W. Cooper. Graviranje u istoriji Sjeverne Amerike, 1789. Kongresna biblioteka

U listopadu 1832. godine, promjena u vojnim obrocima povećala je porast uvoza kave: predsjednik Andrew Jackson zamijenio je kavu i šećer vojničkim dnevnim obrocima ruma i rakije, pozivajući se na pritužbe vojnih časnika na neposlušnost i slučajne ozljede zbog pretjeranog uživanja. Ovom modifikacijom uvoz kafe u SAD porastao je sa 12 miliona funti godišnje na preko 38 miliona funti. Kava je postala alternativa konzumaciji alkohola, pomažući vojnicima da napune gorivo, ostanu koncentrirani i prođu kroz teške situacije. U isto vrijeme, promjena vojnih obroka dodatno je popularizirala kavu u američkoj javnosti, pa je 1840. godine New Orleans postao drugi najveći uvoznik kave u Sjedinjenim Državama, zahvaljujući svojoj relativnoj lokaciji u Brazilu. S izbijanjem građanskog rata, Sjedinjene Države su uvezle preko 182 miliona funti kave, a New Orleans je distribuirao zrna u južnim državama i u Novu Englesku.

Ovaj veliki uvoz kave u New Orleans promijenio se nakon što su se južne države odvojile od Unije u aprilu 1861. U pokušaju da spriječi rat i brzo vrati pobunjene države u Uniju, predsjednik Abraham Lincoln proglasio je blokadu svim državama Konfederacije nedelju dana nakon otcepljenja. Proglasom je spriječena trgovina ili kupovina robe, zaliha i oružja u ili iz dvanaest luka širom Konfederacije. Osim toga, svi brodovi, zajedno sa svim predmetima koji se nalaze u plovilima, za koje se utvrdi da posluju s bilo kojom od jedanaest pobunjeničkih država, bit će oduzeti vladi Sjedinjenih Država.

Predsjednik Abraham Lincoln naredio je blokadu juga, 1861. Prethodno Raab Collection

Sindikalni general Winfield Scott dodatno je proširio Lincolnovo proglašenje blokade luka predlažući Anakondin plan, ne samo da prekida trgovinu u južnim lukama, već ima za cilj zaustaviti trgovinu uz rijeku Mississippi. Prije rata, trajekti koji su prevozili uz rijeku iz New Orleansa ostali su jedan od najbržih načina transporta i distribucije robe u južnim državama. Prilikom stvaranja ove blokade niz rijeku Mississippi, nada se generala Scotta nije samo prekinula trgovinu, odvojivši države jedne od drugih, već i izbjegla sveopći rat i krvoproliće što je više moguće. Uvoz i lako kretanje kafe, zajedno sa šećerom, željezom, čelikom i melasom, stali su.

Crtani film koji ilustruje "Plan Anakonde" generala Winfielda Scotta, 1861., J. B. Elliota. Kongresna biblioteka

Ova dvostruka blokada na više od 4000 milja južne obale i rijeke uz Mississippi nije imala željeni učinak koji se general Scott nadao okončanju rata prije nego što je službeno počeo, ali je izvršio pritisak na države Konfederacije da promijene svoj način djelovanja. Pregovarajući s europskim izvođačima i privatnicima, Konfederacija je uspjela neko vrijeme uspješno prestići mornaricu Unije: Unije nije bilo moguće efikasno patrolirati zbog velikog teritorija, a usredotočiti svoje napore na najveće lučke gradove bilo je problematično . U kolovozu 1861., časnik mornarice Unije Lewis H. West požalio se, dok je bio na dužnosti u Aleksandriji, da privatnici Konfederacije „mogu dolaziti i odlaziti kako im se prohtije“, uspješno prelazeći blokadu Unije i deponirajući robu prijeko potrebnim trupama. Godinu dana kasnije, Lewis se nije predomislio: dok je službovao u Charlestonu u Južnoj Karolini, napisao je u pismu kući: „Blokada je ista kao i uvijek. Nije bilo noći u posljednje dvije sedmice da parobrodi nisu upadali i izlazili, niti jedan nije zarobljen, pa će vjerovatno otići do kraja. ”

Trkač blokade Konfederacije, Harper’s Weekly, 3. septembra 1864. Kongresna biblioteka

Ako su privatnici uspjeli proći blokadu, sljedeći zadatak je bio transport i distribucija robe po južnom selu bez da ih uhvate. 1863. godine, jedan vojnik koji je marširao kroz Shelby, Tennessee, komentirao je: „General Wheeler je zarobio i spalio tri transporta [Konfederacije] na Cumberlandu natovarena namirnicama. Jedan od njih bio je pun kave. Oni ne mogu ovisiti o nabavci zaliha u ovom dijelu zemlje, jer smo skoro potrošili gotovo sve što se može pronaći. “Uprkos ograničenjima Unije, blokada je imala željeni učinak kako je rat odmicao, sa sve manje snabdjevanja trupama Konfederacije. Kao rezultat toga, kava, glavna namirnica mnogih na jugu prije rata, postala je luksuz i za trupe i za one koji su još uvijek na frontu.


Kako je krompir promenio svet

Kad biljke krumpira procvjetaju, šalju petokrako cvijeće koje osipa polja poput masnih ljubičastih zvijezda. Po nekim izvještajima, Marie Antoinette se toliko svidjela cvjetovima da ih je stavila u kosu. Njen muž, Luj XVI, stavio je jedan u svoju rupicu za dugmad, inspirirajući kratku modu u kojoj je francuska aristokracija lebdjela s biljkama krompira na odjeći. Cvijeće je bilo dio pokušaja da se francuski poljoprivrednici nagovore da zasade, a francuski restorani da jedu ovu čudnu novu vrstu.

Iz ove priče

Video: Otkrivanje istorije krompira

Andi su očito naučili dodavati glinu divljem krumpiru kako bi neutralizirali prirodne toksine gomolja. Kasnije su razvili netoksične sorte. (Martin Mejia / AP slike) Za Mariju Antoanetu je rečeno da je nosila cvetove krompira u kosi. (Dagli Orti / Mus ée du Ch âteau de Versailles / Arhiva umjetnosti) Iako je krumpir sada povezan s industrijskom monokulturom, Međunarodni centar za krumpir u Peruu sačuvao je gotovo 5.000 sorti. (Martin Mejia / AP slike) Španski istraživači su imitirali ljubitelje krompira u Južnoj Americi, često nevoljno. (Biblioteka slika Mary Evans / Everettova zbirka) Antoine-Augustin Parmentier promovirao je krumpir u Francuskoj kako bi zaustavio nerede oko kruha. (Biblioteka slika Mary Evans / Everettova zbirka) Irsko stanovništvo se još nije oporavilo od krompirove mrlje 1845-52. (Zbirka Granger, New York / Zbirka Granger) Buba poznata kao koloradska buba nije prvo progutala krompir. (Jose B. Ruiz / naturepl.com) Kada je otkriveno da pigment ubija kornjaša, nastala je industrija insekticida. (Theodore Grey) Za 40 godina, Peru je iskopao oko 13 miliona tona guana sa ostrva Chincha. (Alexander Gardner / NYPL) Chu ño—a oblik krompira zamrznute, odmrznute, iscijeđene i osušene —gorive vojske Inka. (Eitan Abramovič / AFP / Getty Images)

Foto galerija

Danas je krompir peti najvažniji usev u svetu, posle pšenice, kukuruza, pirinča i šećerne trske. No, u 18. stoljeću gomolji su bili zapanjujuća novost, jedni zastrašujući, drugi zbunjujući dio globalne ekološke grčeve koju je pokrenuo Kristofor Kolumbo.

Prije oko 250 miliona godina svijet se sastojao od jedne ogromne kopnene mase koja je sada poznata kao Pangea. Geološke snage razbile su Pangeu, stvarajući danas poznate kontinente i hemisfere. Tokom eona, zasebni kutovi zemlje razvili su divlje različite vrste biljaka i životinja. Kolumbova putovanja#8217 obnavljaju šavove Pangee, kako bi posudila frazu od Alfreda W. Crosbyja, povjesničara koji je prvi opisao ovaj proces. U onome što je Crosby nazvao Kolumbijska razmjena, svjetski dugo odvojeni ekosustavi naglo su se sudarili i pomiješali u biološki bedlam koji je u osnovi većine istorije koju učimo u školi. Cvijet krumpira u dugmadi Luja XVI, vrste koja je prešla Atlantik iz Perua, bio je i simbol Kolumbijske razmjene i jedan od njegovih najvažnijih aspekata.

U usporedbi sa žitaricama, gomolji su sami po sebi produktivniji. Ako glavica biljke pšenice ili pirinča postane prevelika, biljka će se prevrnuti, sa fatalnim posljedicama. Uzgajajući pod zemljom, gomolji nisu ograničeni ostatkom biljke. Libanonski poljoprivrednik je 2008. iskopao krompir težak skoro 25 kilograma. Bio je veći od njegove glave.

Mnogi istraživači vjeruju da je dolazak krumpira u sjevernu Evropu označio kraj tamošnje gladi. (Kukuruz, još jedna američka kultura, igrao je sličnu, ali manju ulogu u južnoj Evropi.) Više od toga, kako je tvrdio istoričar William H. McNeill, krompir je doveo do carstva: “Hranjenjem brzorastućeg stanovništva, [to] je dozvoljeno šačica evropskih nacija koje će uspostaviti vlast nad većim dijelom svijeta između 1750. i 1950. ” Krompir je, drugim riječima, potaknuo uspon Zapada.

Jednako važno, usvajanje krompira u Evropi i Sjevernoj Americi postavilo je predložak za modernu poljoprivredu, takozvani agroindustrijski kompleks. Ne samo da je Kolumbijska burza prenijela krumpir preko Atlantika, već je i svijetu donijela prvo intenzivno gnojivo: peruanski guano. A kad je krumpir pao pod napadom drugog uvoza, koloradske kornjaše, uspaničeni poljoprivrednici okrenuli su se prvom umjetnom pesticidu: obliku arsena. Konkurencija za proizvodnju sve moćnijih mješavina arsena pokrenula je modernu industriju pesticida. 1940-ih i 1950-ih, poboljšani usjevi, gnojiva visokog intenziteta i kemijski pesticidi stvorili su Zelenu revoluciju, eksploziju poljoprivredne produktivnosti koja je transformirala farme iz Illinoisa u Indoneziju i pokrenula politički argument o opskrbi hranom koja postaje sve intenzivnija zbog dan.

1853. alzanski vajar po imenu Andreas Friederich podigao je kip Sir Francis Drake u Offenburgu, na jugozapadu Njemačke. Prikazao je engleskog istraživača kako gleda u horizont na poznati vizionarski način. Desna ruka mu je počivala na dršci mača. Lijevo mu je uhvatilo biljku krompira. “Sr Francis Drake, ” baza je proglasila,

distributer krompira u Evropi
u godini našeg Gospoda 1586.
Milioni ljudi
koji obrađuju zemlju
blagoslovi njegovo besmrtno sjećanje.

Kip su nacisti srušili početkom 1939. godine u talasu antisemitskih i anti-stranih mjera koje su uslijedile nakon nasilne pomame poznate pod imenom Kristallnacht. Uništavanje statue bilo je zločin protiv umjetnosti, a ne historije: Drake gotovo sigurno nije uveo krompir u Evropu. A čak i da jeste, većina zasluga za krompir zasigurno pripada Andima koji su ga pripitomili.

Geografski gledano, Andi su malo vjerovatno mjesto rođenja velike osnovne kulture. Najduži planinski lanac na planeti, čini ledenu barijeru na pacifičkoj obali Južne Amerike dugačku 5.500 milja i na mnogim mjestima visoku više od 22.000 stopa. Aktivni vulkani razbacani duž njegove dužine povezani su geološkim rasjedima koji se međusobno guraju i izazivaju zemljotrese, poplave i klizišta. Čak i kad je tlo seizmički mirno, andska klima je aktivna. Temperature u visoravnima mogu varirati od 75 stepeni Celzijusa do ispod nule za nekoliko sati —zrak je prerijedak da bi zadržao toplinu.

S ovog besperspektivnog terena iznikla je jedna od najvećih svjetskih kulturnih tradicija. Čak i dok su Egipćani gradili piramide, Andi su podizali svoje monumentalne hramove i svečane trgove. Tisućljećima su se sporni narodi borili za moć od Ekvadora do sjevernog Čilea. Najpoznatiji su danas Inci, koji su u nasilnom blicu zauzeli veći dio Anda, izgradili velike autoputeve i gradove sjajne zlatom, a zatim pali u ruke španske bolesti i španskih vojnika. Planinske kulture međusobno su se značajno razlikovale, ali sve su se hranile gomoljima i korjenastim kulturama, najvažnijim krumpirom.

Divlji krumpir prepun je solanina i tomatina, otrovnih spojeva za koje se vjeruje da štite biljke od napada opasnih organizama poput gljivica, bakterija i ljudi. Kuhanje često razbija takvu kemijsku obranu, ali toplina ne utječe na solanin i tomatin. U planinama, guanaco i vicu ña (divlji rođaci lame) ližu glinu prije nego pojedu otrovno bilje. Toksini se "tehnički više" lijepe, “adsorbiraju ” — na fine čestice gline u želucima životinja#8217, prolazeći kroz probavni sistem bez utjecaja na njega. Oponašajući ovaj proces, planinski narodi su očito naučili potapati divlji krumpir u “gravy ” napravljen od gline i vode. Na kraju su uzgojili manje toksičan krumpir, iako su neke stare, otrovne sorte ostale, favorizirane zbog njihove otpornosti na mraz. Prašina od gline se još uvijek prodaje na peruanskim i bolivijskim tržištima kako bi ih pratila.

Jestiva glina ni u kom slučaju nije iscrpila kulinarsku kreativnost regije. Naravno, indijski Indijanci jeli su krompir kuhan, pečen i pire, kao što to rade i Evropljani. Ali krompir je takođe kuvan, oguljen, iseckan i osušen papas secas fermentira u stajaćoj vodi kako bi stvorio ljepljiv miris toqosh i samljeti u kašu, namočiti u vrč i filtrirati za proizvodnju almid ón de papa (krompirov skrob). Najprisutniji je bio chu ño, koji se proizvodi širenjem krompira vani da se smrzne u hladnim noćima, a zatim ga odmrzne na jutarnjem suncu. Ponovljeni ciklusi zamrzavanja i odmrzavanja pretvaraju mrvice u meke, sočne mrlje. Poljoprivrednici istiskuju vodu kako bi proizveli chu ño: krute kvržice nalik stiroporu, mnogo manje i lakše od izvornih gomolja. Kuhani u začinjenom andskom varivu, podsjećaju na njoke, knedle od krumpirovog brašna u centralnoj Italiji. Chu ño se može čuvati godinama bez hlađenja —osiguranje od loših žetvi. To je bila hrana koja je održavala vojske Inka.

Čak i danas, neki seljaci sa Anda slave berbu krompira isto kao što su to činili njihovi preci u prošlim vekovima. Odmah nakon vađenja krompira sa zemlje, porodice na poljima gomilaju zemlju u zemljane pećnice u obliku iglua visoke 18 inča. U pećnice ulaze stabljike, kao i slama, četka, komadići drveta i kravlji izmet. Kad pećnice pobijele od vrućine, kuhari stavljaju svježi krumpir na pepeo za pečenje. Para se iz vruće hrane uvija u čist, hladan vazduh. Ljudi umoče svoj krumpir u krupnu sol i jestivu glinu. Noćni vjetrovi nose miris pečenog krompira na kilometre.

Andi od krumpira prženi prije kontakta s Europljanima nisu bili moderni lonac koji su uzgajali različite sorte na različitim nadmorskim visinama. Većina ljudi u selu zasadila je nekoliko osnovnih vrsta, ali većina je zasadila i druge kako bi imali različite ukuse. (Andski poljoprivrednici danas proizvode moderne pasmine u stilu Idaha za tržište, ali ih opisuju kao blage i#8212 za yahoos u gradovima.) Rezultat je bila kaotična raznolikost. Krompir u jednom selu na jednoj nadmorskoj visini mogao bi izgledati divlje za razliku od onih nekoliko kilometara dalje u drugom selu na drugoj nadmorskoj visini.

1995., peruansko-američki istraživački tim otkrio je da su porodice u jednoj planinskoj dolini u središnjem Peruu u prosjeku rasle za 10,6 tradicionalnih sorti i, kako ih zovu, svaka sa svojim imenom. U susjednim selima Karl Zimmerer, naučnik za zaštitu okoliša koji je sada na Državnom univerzitetu u Pensilvaniji, posjetio je polja sa do 20 kopna. Međunarodni centar za krumpir u Peruu sačuvao je gotovo 5.000 sorti. Raspon krumpira na jednom andskom polju, primijetio je Zimmerer, “ nadilazi raznolikost od devet desetina usjeva krumpira u cijelim Sjedinjenim Državama. ” Kao rezultat toga, andski krompir manje je jedna vrsta koja se može identifikovati nego mjehurić povezanih genetskih entiteta. Njegovo rješavanje taksonomistima je decenijama zadavalo glavobolje.

Prvi Španjolci u regiji — bend pod vodstvom Francisca Pizarra, koji je sletio 1532. godine##primijetili su Indijance kako jedu ove čudne, okrugle predmete i oponašaju ih, često nevoljko. Vijesti o novoj hrani brzo su se proširile. U roku od tri decenije, španski poljoprivrednici čak do Kanarskih ostrva izvozili su krompir u Francusku i Holandiju (koje su tada bile dio španskog carstva). Prvi naučni opis krompira pojavio se 1596. godine, kada mu je švicarski prirodnjak Gaspard Bauhin dodijelio ime Solanum tuberosum esculentum (kasnije pojednostavljeno u Solanum tuberosum).

Za razliku od bilo kojeg prethodnog evropskog usjeva, krumpir se ne uzgaja iz sjemena, već iz malih komada gomolja i pogrešno nazvanog sjemena. ” Kontinentalni poljoprivrednici su ovu vanzemaljsku hranu smatrali s fasciniranom sumnjom, neki su vjerovali da je afrodizijak, drugi uzrok groznice ili lepra. Filozof-kritičar Denis Diderot zauzeo je srednji stav Enciklopedija (1751-65), prvi opći sažetak prosvjetiteljske misli u Evropi. “ Bez obzira na način na koji ga pripremate, korijen je bez okusa i škroba, ” napisao je. “Ne može se smatrati kao hrana za uživanje, ali pruža obilnu, razumno zdravu hranu za muškarce koji ne žele ništa osim prehrane. ” Diderot je na krompir gledao kao na "vjetar." dao mu je palac gore. “Što je vjetrovitost, ” upitao je, “na snažna tijela seljaka i radnika? ”

Sa takvim bezumnim preporukama, krompir se sporo širio. Kada je Prusku 1744. godine pogodila glad, kralj Fridrih Veliki, ljubitelj krompira, morao je narediti seljaštvu da jede gomolje. U Engleskoj su poljoprivrednici iz 18. stoljeća osudili S. tuberosum kao napredni izviđač za omraženi rimokatolicizam. “Ne Potatoes, No Popery! ” je bio izborni slogan 1765. Francuska je posebno sporo usvajala spud. U okršaj je zakoračio Antoine-Augustin Parmentier, Johnny Appleseed iz krumpira.

Obučen za ljekarnika, Parmentier je služio vojsku tokom Sedmogodišnjeg rata, a zarobili su ga Prusi pet puta. Tokom više zatvorskih kazni, jeo je malo osim krompira, što ga je održalo zdravim. Njegovo iznenađenje ovim ishodom dovelo je do toga da je Parmentier postao pionir nutricionist nakon završetka rata, 1763. posvetio je ostatak svog života proglašavanju S. tuberosum.

Vrijeme za Parmentier je bilo dobro. Nakon što je Luj XVI krunisan 1775. godine, ukinuo je kontrolu cijena žita. Cijene kruha su porasle, što je izazvalo ono što je postalo poznato kao Rat za brašno: više od 300 građanskih nemira u 82 grada. Parmentier je neumorno objavljivala da će se Francuska prestati boriti oko kruha samo ako njezini građani jedu krumpir. U međuvremenu, postavljao je jedan publicistički trik za drugim: predstavljajući večeru od krompira gostima iz visokog društva (priča da je Thomas Jefferson, jedan od gostiju, bio toliko oduševljen što je uveo pomfrit u Ameriku) navodno ubedivši kralja i kraljica koja će nositi cvijeće krumpira i posaditi 40 jutara krompira na rubu Pariza, znajući da će ih izgladnjeli obični ljudi ukrasti.

Uzdižući krompir, Parmentier ga je nesvjesno promijenio. Cijeli krompir u Evropi potekao je iz nekoliko gomolja koje su znatiželjni Španci poslali preko okeana. Kada poljoprivrednici posade komade gomolja, a ne sjeme, dobiveni klice su klonovi. Podstičući masovnu kultivaciju krompira, Parmentier je nesvjesno promovirao ideju zasađivanja ogromnih površina klonovima i istinskom monokulturom.

Učinci ove transformacije bili su toliko upečatljivi da je svaka opća historija Evrope bez unosa u njen indeks za S. tuberosum treba zanemariti. Glad je bila poznato prisustvo u Evropi 17. i 18. veka. Gradovi su bili opskrbljeni prilično dobro u većini godina, njihove žitnice su se pažljivo pratile, ali su seljaci bili na provaliji. Istoričar Fernand Braudel je jednom izračunao da je Francuska imala 40 gladi širom zemlje između 1500. i 1800., više od jedne po deceniji. Ova užasna brojka je podcijenjena, napisao je, “ jer izostavlja stotine i stotine lokalno gladi. ” Francuska nije bila izuzetna Engleska je imala 17 nacionalnih i velikih regionalnih gladi između 1523. i 1623. Kontinent se jednostavno nije mogao pouzdano prehraniti.

Krompir je sve to promenio. Svake godine mnogi poljoprivrednici ostavljali su u ugaru čak polovinu svoje žitne zemlje, kako bi odmorili tlo i borili se s korovom (koji je preoran tokom ljeta). Sada su mali posjednici mogli uzgajati krumpir na ugarima, suzbijući korov okopavanjem. Budući da je krumpir bio toliko produktivan, efektivan rezultat, u smislu kalorija, bio je udvostručenje zaliha hrane u Evropi.

“Prvi put u istoriji zapadne Evrope, konačno rješenje je pronađeno za problem hrane ", zaključio je sedamdesetih godina prošlog vijeka belgijski istoričar Christian Vandenbroeke. Krajem 18. stoljeća krumpir je u većem dijelu Evrope postao ono što je bio u Andima. Otprilike 40 posto Iraca nije jelo nikakvu čvrstu hranu osim krompira, ta brojka je bila između 10 i 30 posto u Holandiji, Belgiji, Pruskoj i možda Poljskoj. Rutinska glad skoro je nestala u zemlji krompira, bendu od 2.000 milja koji se protezao od Irske na zapadu do ruskih planina Ural na istoku. Konačno, kontinent je mogao proizvesti vlastitu večeru.

Govorilo se da su Činčanska ostrva odavala tako intenzivan smrad da im je bilo teško prići. Činči su sklop tri suha granitna ostrva udaljena 13 milja od južne obale Perua. Gotovo ništa ne raste na njima. Njihova jedina razlika je populacija morskih ptica, posebno peruanskih plijena, peruanskog pelikana i peruanskog kormorana. Privučene ogromnim jatima riba duž obale, ptice se gnijezde na otočjima Chincha tisućljećima. Vremenom su otoke prekrili slojem guana debljine do 150 stopa.

Guano, osušeni ostaci ptica i polučvrstog urina, čini odlično gnojivo —a mehanizam za davanje biljaka dušika, koji im je potreban za stvaranje klorofila, zelene molekule koja apsorbira sunčevu energiju za fotosintezu. Iako se većina atmosfere sastoji od dušika, plin je napravljen od dva atoma dušika koji su međusobno toliko čvrsto povezani da ih biljke ne mogu razdvojiti za upotrebu. Kao rezultat toga, biljke traže iz tla upotrebljive spojeve koji sadrže dušik, poput amonijaka i nitrata. Nažalost, bakterije u tlu stalno probavljaju ove tvari, pa ih je uvijek manje nego što bi poljoprivrednici željeli.

1840. organski kemičar Justus von Liebig objavio je pionirsku raspravu koja objašnjava kako biljke ovise o dušiku. Usput je veličao guano kao odličan izvor. Sofisticirani poljoprivrednici, mnogi od njih veliki zemljoposjednici, utrkivali su se u kupovinu stvari. Njihovi su se prinosi udvostručili, čak utrostručili. Plodnost u kesi! Prosperitet koji se može kupiti u trgovini!

Guano manija je uzela maha. Za 40 godina, Peru je izvezao oko 13 miliona tona toga, veliku većinu su robovi iz Kine iskopali pod užasnim radnim uslovima. Novinari su osudili eksploataciju, ali je ogorčenje javnosti umjesto toga bilo uglavnom usredotočeno na monopol guana u Peruu. Britanci Farmer ’s Magazine iznio je problem 1854. godine: “Ne dobivamo ništa poput količine koja nam je potrebna, želimo mnogo više, ali u isto vrijeme, želimo je po nižoj cijeni. ” Ako je Peru inzistirao na tome da dobije puno novac za vrijedan proizvod, jedino rješenje je bila invazija. Zauzmite otoke guano! Potaknut bijesom javnosti, Kongres SAD -a donio je 1856. Zakon o otocima Guano, ovlašćujući Amerikance da zaplijene bilo koje nalazište guana koje su otkrili. U narednih pola stoljeća američki trgovci potraživali su 94 ostrva, uvale, koraljne glave i atole.

Iz današnje perspektive, teško je razumjeti bijesne i#8212 prijetnje pravnim radnjama, ratni šapat, uvodnike o pitanju Guano —. No, poljoprivreda je tada bila "glavna ekonomska aktivnost svake nacije", kako je istaknuo povjesničar okoliša Shawn William Miller. Plodnost nacije, koja je određena prirodnim granicama tla, neizbježno je oblikovala nacionalni ekonomski uspjeh. ” U samo nekoliko godina, poljoprivreda u Evropi i Sjedinjenim Državama postala je podjednako zavisna od gnojiva visokog intenziteta budući da je transport danas zavisan od nafte i#8212a, to se od tada nije poljuljalo.

Guano je postavio predložak za modernu poljoprivredu. Od von Liebig -a, poljoprivrednici su tretirali zemlju kao medij u koji bacaju vreće kemijskih hranjivih tvari donesenih iz daljine kako bi mogli ubrati velike količine za otpremu na udaljena tržišta. Kako bi povećali prinose usjeva, poljoprivrednici sade sve veća polja s jednom usjevom i#8212industrijskom monokulturom, kako se to naziva.

Prije krompira (i kukuruza), prije intenzivne oplodnje, evropski životni standard bio je otprilike ekvivalentan današnjem u Kamerunu i Bangladešu. U prosjeku, evropski seljaci jeli su manje dnevno od lovačkih i sakupljačkih društava u Africi ili Amazonu. Industrijska monokultura omogućila je milijardama ljudi najprije u Evropi, a zatim u velikom dijelu ostatka svijeta da pobjegnu od siromaštva. The revolution begun by potatoes, corn and guano has allowed living standards to double or triple worldwide even as human numbers climbed from fewer than one billion in 1700 to some seven billion today.

Ime Phytophthora infestans means, more or less, “vexing plant destroyer.” P. infestans is an oomycete, one of 700 or so species sometimes known as water molds. It sends out tiny bags of 6 to 12 spores that are carried on the wind, usually for no more than 20 feet, occasionally for half a mile or more. When the bag lands on a susceptible plant, it breaks open, releasing what are technically known as zoospores. If the day is warm and wet enough, the zoospores germinate, sending threadlike filaments into the leaf. The first obvious symptoms—purple-black or purple-brown spots on the leaves—are visible in about five days. By then it is often too late for the plant to survive.

P. infestans preys on species in the nightshade family, especially potatoes and tomatoes. Scientists believe that it originated in Peru. Large-scale traffic between Peru and northern Europe began with the guano rush. Proof will never be found, but it is widely believed that the guano ships carried P. infestans. Probably taken to Antwerp, P. infestans first broke out in early summer 1845, in the West Flanders town of Kortrijk, six miles from the French border.

The blight hopscotched to Paris by that August. Weeks later, it was destroying potatoes in the Netherlands, Germany, Denmark and England. Governments panicked. It was reported in Ireland on September 13, 1845. Cormac O Grada, an economist and blight historian at University College, Dublin, has estimated that Irish farmers planted about 2.1 million acres of potatoes that year. In two months P. infestans wiped out the equivalent of one-half to three-quarters of a million acres. The next year was worse, as was the year after that. The attack did not wind down until 1852. A million or more Irish people died—one of the deadliest famines in history, in the percentage of population lost. A similar famine in the United States today would kill almost 40 million people.

Within a decade, two million more had fled Ireland, almost three-quarters of them to the United States. Many more would follow. As late as the 1960s, Ireland’s population was half what it had been in 1840. Today the nation has the melancholy distinction of being the only country in Europe, and perhaps the world, to have fewer people within the same boundaries than it did more than 150 years ago.

Despite its ghastly outcome, P. infestans may be less important in the long run than another imported species: Leptinotarsa decemlineata, the Colorado potato beetle. Its name notwithstanding, this orange-and-black creature is not from Colorado. Nor did it have much interest in potatoes in its original habitat, in south-central Mexico its diet centered on buffalo bur, a weedy, spiny, knee-high potato relative. Biologists believe that buffalo bur was confined to Mexico until Spaniards, agents of the Columbian Exchange, carried horses and cows to the Americas. Quickly realizing the usefulness of these animals, Indians stole as many as they could, sending them north for their families to ride and eat. Buffalo bur apparently came along, tangled in horse manes, cow tails and native saddlebags. The beetle followed. In the early 1860s it encountered the cultivated potato around the Missouri River and liked what it tasted.

For millennia the potato beetle had made do with the buffalo bur scattered through the Mexican hills. By comparison, an Iowa farm, its fields solid with potatoes, was an ocean of breakfast. Because growers planted just a few varieties of a single species, pests like the beetle and the blight had a narrower range of natural defenses to overcome. If they could adapt to potatoes in one place, they could jump from one identical food pool to the next—a task made easier than ever thanks to inventions like railroads, steamships and refrigeration. Beetles spread in such numbers that by the time they reached the Atlantic Coast, their glittering orange bodies carpeted beaches and made railway tracks so slippery as to be impassable.

Desperate farmers tried everything they could to rid themselves of the invaders. Eventually one man apparently threw some leftover green paint on his infested plants. Uspjelo je. The emerald pigment in the paint was Paris green, made largely from arsenic and copper. Developed in the late 18th century, it was common in paints, fabrics and wallpaper. Farmers diluted it with flour and dusted it on their potatoes or mixed it with water and sprayed.

To potato farmers, Paris green was a godsend. To chemists, it was something that could be tinkered with. If arsenic killed potato beetles, why not try it on other pests? If Paris green worked, why not try other chemicals for other agricultural problems? In the mid-1880s a French researcher discovered that spraying a solution of copper sulfate and lime would kill P. infestans. Spraying potatoes with Paris green, then copper sulfate would take care of both the beetle and the blight. The modern pesticide industry had begun.

As early as 1912 beetles began showing signs of immunity to Paris green. Farmers didn’t notice, though, because the pesticide industry kept coming up with new arsenic compounds that kept killing potato beetles. By the 1940s growers on Long Island found they had to use ever-greater quantities of the newest variant, calcium arsenate. After World War II an entirely new type of pesticide came into wide use: DDT. Farmers bought DDT and exulted as insects vanished from their fields. The celebration lasted about seven years. The beetle adapted. Potato growers demanded new chemicals. The industry provided dieldrin. It lasted about three years. By the mid-1980s, a new pesticide in the eastern United States was good for about a single planting.

In what critics call the “toxic treadmill,” potato farmers now treat their crops a dozen or more times a season with an ever-changing cavalcade of deadly substances. Nonetheless, the pests keep coming back. Researchers were dismayed in the 1980s to discover that new types of P. infestans had found their way to Europe and America. They were more virulent—and more resistant to metalaxyl, the chief current anti-blight treatment. No good substitute has yet appeared.

In 2009, potato blight wiped out most of the tomatoes and potatoes on the East Coast of the United States. Driven by an unusually wet summer, it turned gardens into slime. It destroyed the few tomatoes in my New England garden that hadn’t been drowned by rain. Accurately or not, one of my farming neighbors blamed the attack on the Columbian Exchange. More specifically, he said blight had arrived on tomato seedlings sold in big-box stores. “Those tomatoes,” he said direly, “come from China.”

Adapted with permission from 1493: Uncovering the New World Columbus Created, by Charles C. Mann. Copyright © 2011 Charles C. Mann.

Charles C. Mann has written five previous books, including 1491, plus articles for Nauka, Wired and other magazines.


Rise of the Automobile

U.S. history textbooks typically relate early automobile use from the perspective of three distinct narratives. One focuses on Henry Ford, the inventor of the Model T and founder of Ford Motor Company. Ford was a hands-on mechanic who enjoyed tinkering with automobiles. He formed his own firm in 1903 to create a reliable, low-cost, easy-to-operate and easier-to-fix device for the masses. While ultimately successful, it took Ford five years and several failed product lines to produce the Model T. Affectionately called the "Tin Lizzie" or "flivver" (so-called because its bouncy ride was supposedly good "for the liver"), the car remained in production for over 20 years. The second story locates the car within the economic transformation of the 1920s. Ford's mass production techniques increased worker productivity and throughput. This allowed Ford to make more cars and sell them for less money. But these methods remained hard on laborers, many of whom were required to perform routine repetitive tasks for hours on end (made famous by Charlie Chaplin in Moderna vremena). In order to retain trained workers, Ford paid higher hourly wages and lowered the work shift from 12 to eight hours per day.

The combination of a good product, productive assembly methods, and consumer desire produced amazing economic results. Ford sold more than 15 million cars by 1927, more than all other brands combined. The demand for products used to build and operate automobiles, such as steel, rubber, oil, gasoline, and glass multiplied as well. In this way, Ford Motor Company serves as the perfect symbol of the modern integrated industrial economy. Third, the automobile reflected a new cultural outlook in America. Behavior beyond the workplace soon took precedence in the minds of many who preferred to "work to live" rather than "live to work." The new technology allowed for more flexible and individual mobility. People moved to the suburbs, took extended vacations, used the car to free themselves from the bounds of the home, and generally consumed their free time in ways never before imagined. These activities—like the heightened demand for steel and glass—multiplied across the American economy to produce travel-related services such as roadside restaurants, service stations, and motels. The car also obliterated the need for some existing industries, particularly fixed-rail commuter service and animal-powered transit.

Some textbooks address the implications of these changes. As a powerful symbol of modernity, the automobile represented individual freedom, mobility, and independence. The car also linked the profound economic changes (especially the rise of big business) to the pursuit of personal happiness through consumption. Increasingly, Americans defined a happy life by one that offered personal and immediate gratification, even if this meant rising debt and a loss of local community. Those unable to meet the economic threshold required to sustain the "goods life" soon found themselves excluded from consideration. The social costs of individual automobile use remained hidden. Tax dollars once applied to public mass transit shifted to user fees (gas taxes) that paid for road improvements or liability insurance. Rising incidents of automotive crime, auto accidents, and sexual promiscuity earned the condemnation of isolated agencies (and the sorrow of their victims), but did little to stem the rising tide of change.

While textbooks do a fine job framing these three issues, they too often neglect several other key considerations. For example, the gasoline-powered internal combustion engine remained only one option (see Primary Source Internal Combustion Engine [1909]). Steam and electric cars were both functional and productive options in 1910. They were discarded because of the relative low cost and availability of gasoline. Ford's business model, too, significantly changed the relationship workers developed with their employers and their careers. Perfectly suited to the new consumer ethos of America, increasingly workers defined their lives through the goods they consumed rather than the jobs they held. Finally, automobiles profoundly influenced youth culture and women's lives. Freed from the constraints of the home, young people found their leisure beyond the watchful eyes of their parents and other relations. While we today, a product of these changes, may look favorably upon these individualistic freedoms, others might reasonably counter that community standards and a sense of belonging were lost as Americans hit the gas pedal.

Historians today generally examine the car within the boundaries of these material and cultural changes. The automobile proved to be a harbinger of modern, liberating technologies that provided individuals extensive new freedoms, but with a price tag. Like complex cell phones and high-speed internet today, consumer technologies such as the automobile freed those able to afford the gas, hotel bills, ticket prices, and especially the time needed for leisure. The social, economic, and, increasingly obvious today, environmental costs of these individual liberties rarely entered the public debate. One exception proved the rising toll of auto-related fatalities, especially those produced by intoxicated or otherwise reckless drivers. While the market responded to poor driving through rising liability insurance premiums, by the mid-20th century most states instituted formal licensing procedures. States also began to require minimal safety standards for all cars and criminal codes for habitually reckless drivers.

While most textbooks are limited by space and state standards, they too frequently ignore the costs associated with the type of economic and cultural change brought by the automobile. Mass production lowered consumer costs, to be sure, but just as certainly they made it increasingly difficult for new innovators (the next Henry Ford) to enter the market. Widespread auto use also enjoyed state support—in the form of road improvements, the interstate highway system, and a lack of regulation—that the railroads and light-rail did not share. Finally, textbooks too often minimize the ways that modern consumerism saddled Americans with a culture of debt and rising material expectations that promised individual "satisfaction" while delivering an unquenchable desire for something new. These remain complex and intriguing aspects of America's car culture.


Coffee History / 1850-1900

1859 - A new coffee brewing machine called the Raparlier vacuum coffee pot is developed and includes an upper glass bowl that shows how much coffee has been brewed. A hemp filter placed between the compartments is inexpensive and disposed of between uses.

1860 - Cafe Central opens in Vienna and becomes a gathering place for the country's intellectual elite including Adolf Loos, Hugo von Hofmannsthal, and Anton Kuh.

Until 1938 it was often called the Chess School since so many people played the game there including Russian revolutionary Leo Trotzky. Today the cafe remains popular, having been refurbished in 1986.

1861 - Isabella Beeton writes, “It is true, says Liebeg, that thousands have lived without a knowledge of tea and coffee and daily experience teaches us that, under certain circumstances, they may be dispensed with without disadvantage to the merely animal functions, but it is an error, certainly, to conclude from this that they may be altogether dispensed with in reference to their effects.”

Beeton adds that, “It is a question whether, if we had no tea and no coffee, the popular instinct would not seek for and discover the means of replacing them.”

1863 - Cafe Slavia opens in Prague, and today it remains a landmark and popular restaurant and cafe. Cafe Slavia is located opposite the National Theatre and frequented by the capital city's acting community.

In the past it was the often visited by such renown writers as Rainier Maria Wilke, Jaroslav Seifert (1984 Nobel Prize winner), and Franz Kafka. Dvorak and Smetana are among the renown composers who have frequented Cafe Slavia.

1864 - The Burns coffee roaster is patented by New York's Jabez Burns and is the first machine that doesn't need to be moved away from the fire to discharge the beans after roasting. This was the beginning of modern roasting machines and Burns is considered the grandfather of roasting.

1865 - James H. Mason patents the coffee percolator in the United States.

1869 - A coffee plant disease known as coffee leaf rust first shows up on the coffee plants in Ceylon and proceeds to ruin most India coffee plantions and does widespread damage in Asia over the next decade.

1869 - In The Innocents Abroad, Mark Twain writes that “Of all the unchristian beverages that ever passed my lips, Turkish coffee is the worst. The cup is small, it is smeared with grounds the coffee is black, thick, unsavory of smell, and execrable in taste.”

The story goes on to say, “The bottom of the cup has a muddy sediment in it half an inch deep. This goes down your throat, and portions of it lodge by the way, and produce a tickling aggravation that keeps you barking and coughing for an hour.”

1871 - Innovator John Arbuckle and his assistants invent a machine to fill, weigh, seal, and label paper packages of coffee. Arbuckle markets his Arbuckle Ariosa coffee from his New York factory, and the coffee is the first mass produced coffee product to be sold country wide.

Arbuckle would become the world's largest coffee importer as well as America's largest shipper, owning every South American merchant ship.

1872 - Selling bulk-roasted coffee to grocery stores in drums and sacks, James Folger founds J.A. Folger Coffee & Company after buying out his partners in Pioneer Steam Coffee and Spice Mills Company.

After James passes away in 1889 the company is run by his son James A. Folger II and continues to grow rapidly. (See 1963.)

1879 - In The Moral Instructor, Jesse Torrey writes, “Coffee, though a useful medicine, if drunk constantly will at length induce a decay of health, and hectic fever.”

1880s - The first caffeinated soft drinks are created.

1880 - Australia's first coffee plantation is developed, encompassing five hundred acres between Cooktown and New South Wales.

1880s - Ethiopia's Kingdom of Kaffa where the coffee plant originated produces about 55,000 kilograms of coffee beans.

1880s - The coffee industry in Kona on the Big Island of Hawaii suffers a severe setback due to the Reciprocity Treaty that took effect in 1876. Almost no coffee is exported.

1880-1886 - Coffee consumption spreads widely in Ethiopia in part due to Emperor Menilek appreciating the beverage and also to Abuna Matewos, the head of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, who helped convince the clergy that it was not a Muslim drink.

1880 - Mark Twain writes in A Tramp Abroad, “After a few months' acquaintance with European ‘coffee' one's mind weakens, and his faith with it, and he begins to wonder if the rich beverage of home, with it's clotted layer of yellow cream on top of it, is not a mere dream after all, and a thing which never existed.”

1881 - In The Appledore Cookbook, Maria Parloa writes, “Persons drinking coffee, as a general rule, east less, though coffee, and also tea, have little direct food value but they retard the waste of the tissues, and so take the place of food.”

1882 - The New York Coffee Exchange is established.

1883 - The Buckeye Cookbook states that, “Physicians say that coffee without cream is more wholesome, particularly for persons of weak digestion. There seems to be some element in the coffee which combined with the milk, forms a leathery coating on the stomach, and impairs digestion.”

1885 - The coffee roasting method of using natural gas to produce hot air becomes common.

1887 - Coffee first arrives in Tonkin, Indo-China.

1886 - Joel Cheek, a former grocer, names the coffee blend called “Maxwell House” after the Nashville, Tennessee hotel where it the popular blend.

1890 - World coffee prices rise steeply. In the Kona region on the Big Island of Hawaii this leads to significant new investments in the coffee industry by European and American investors.

1890 - Cafe de Flore opens in Paris in the Saint-Germain-des-Pres district. The coffee house becomes a renowned meeting place of intellectuals, artists, and filmmakers of the day including Giacometti, Picasso, Apollinaire, and Hemingway, and this is where Simone de Beauvoir discussed the philosophy of existentialism with Jean-Paul Sartre. The cafe is still open today.

1890s - The French Press coffee maker, then known as the plunger filter, is invented. A filter compartment is lowered into the hot water and then pulled up when the coffee has been properly brewed and before it can become too bitter. Some accounts say the French Press was not invented until the Italian Calimani developed it in 1933.

1891 - Oliver Wendell Holmes, Sr., a physician and writer, opines in Over the Teacups that, “The morning cup of coffee has an exhilaration about it which the cheering influence of the afternoon or evening cup of tea cannot be expected to reproduce.”

1893 - Coffee plants from Brazil are brought to Tanzania (Tanganyika) and Kenya where they are cultivated. This marked the end of the coffee plant's journey around the globe with a new varietal now being planted near its Ethiopian origins.

1894 - Budapest's first coffee house opens and is called Cafe New York - by the turn of the century there would be more than 500 coffee houses in Budapest. Though it was destroyed in World War II, Cafe New York reopened in 2006 with a wonderful effort to restore its former glory including frescos on the ceiling, ball lamps, and a gallery.

1896 - Coffee takes hold in Queensland, Australia.

1899 - There is an oversupply in the world coffee market causing coffee prices to plummet. Within one year, in the Kona Coffee growing region of the Big Island of Hawaii all of the large plantations fail and the coffee industry nearly disappears.

The plantations are split up into small parcels of around ten acres and leased to coffee farmers, many of whom are Japanese immigrants (about four out of five Kona coffee farmers) who had initially come to the Islands to work on sugarcane plantations.

This begins a new era of small farms in the Kona coffee industry. A typical lease required the farmers to give pay about $30 per hear plus part of the coffee crop. Some leases required the farmers to pay with half of their crop.


The World’s Top Drink

We came to Brazil to find coffee and learn about the future of one of the world’s top commodities, especially in the midst of a changing climate and rising population. A legacy farmer in Santos, the small port city that exports more than three-quarters of Brazil’s coffee, called it humanity’s favorite drink.

But is it? We did some digging. The world’s most consumed beverage—not counting water, which has no equal—is actually a dark horse, the kind you don’t suspect. It’s not coffee, as Brazilian kids learn at early age, nor Coca Cola, as I grew up hearing in America. It’s surprisingly not even beer.

Disclaimer: I’m a tea guy, unapologetically. It’s nothing against coffee, other than that I get jittery and still can’t stand the taste without making a face. When data from the U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization suggests that the world drinks about six billion cups of tea a day, four of them are mine.

Tea beats coffee in a lot of ways. It predates coffee by about 3,000 years, and is thought to have first been harvested in 2700 B.C. by the emperor Shen Nung who was known as “the divine healer.” Coffee didn’t come until the tenth century at the earliest, first discovered in what is now Yemen. These days most coffee is produced in Brazil and Central America it wasn’t brought to the western hemisphere until around 1720, first in the Caribbean and then eventually south into Colombia, Ecuador and Brazil. The bean wouldn’t grow in the more volatile climate of North America (except in Hawaii), so South America dominated.

Tea, meanwhile, came far earlier likely because (one imagines) it’s simpler to stumble on dried leaves brewed with warm water. Accoutrements like milk, honey, and sugar came later. Although tea’s greatest asset is the thing I love most: its overarching simplicity.

So why is tea more popular? It’s hard to nail down people’s tastes, but it’s probably a combination of shipping weight and culture. Americans—who drink the most coffee—can find a Starbucks every few blocks, but tea is the national drink of China and India, each of which have more than a billion people. It’s generally cheaper to buy, and packed with more antioxidants. Whether tea is healthier than coffee is a complicated question. I just report, you decide.

Tea aside, we’ll be learning lots about coffee over the next few weeks and reporting it here. While in Brazil, I’m also taking a tea hiatus, because when in Rome… (Spencer has agreed to catch me when I crash). We’d love to hear your thoughts about coffee, tea, or your favorite beverage. Tell us your stories about how drinks play into your culture, or how Diet Coke once saved your life. Leave word in the comments below.


In WWI Trenches, Instant Coffee Gave Troops A Much-Needed Boost

American servicemen enjoy a hot cup of coffee at a Salvation Army hut in New York, circa 1918. During World War I, instant coffee was a key provision for soldiers on the front. They called it a "cup of George." FPG/Hulton Archive/Getty Images sakrij naslov

American servicemen enjoy a hot cup of coffee at a Salvation Army hut in New York, circa 1918. During World War I, instant coffee was a key provision for soldiers on the front. They called it a "cup of George."

FPG/Hulton Archive/Getty Images

On April 6, 1917, the U.S. declared war on Germany and formally entered World War I. By late June, American infantry troops began arriving in Europe. One thing they couldn't do without? Coffee.

"Coffee was as important as beef and bread," a high-ranking Army official concluded after the war. A postwar review of the military's coffee supply concurred, stating that it "restored courage and strength" and "kept up the morale."

In fact, U.S. troops had long looked toward coffee as a small source of salvation amid the hell of war. During the Civil War, Union soldiers received around 36 pounds of coffee a year, according to Jon Grinspan, a curator at the Smithsonian's National Museum of American History.

"Some Union soldiers got rifles with a mechanical grinder with a hand crank built into the buttstock," he told NPR. "They'd fill a hollowed space within the carbine's stock with coffee beans, grind it up, dump it out and cook coffee that way."

The Salt

If War Is Hell, Then Coffee Has Offered U.S. Soldiers Some Salvation

In World War I, the U.S. War Department took things further, establishing local roasting and grinding plants in France to ensure fresh coffee for the troops. (Even if it was brewed in the worst possible of manners, with the grounds left in the pots for a number of successive meals.)

The military also began offering coffee of a different type: instant.

In 1901, a Japanese chemist working in Chicago named Satori Kato developed a successful way to make a soluble coffee powder, or dried coffee extract. At that year's Pan-American Exposition in Buffalo, N.Y., the Kato Coffee Co. served hot samples in the Manufacturers Building, giving the brew its public debut. Two years later Sato received a patent for "Coffee concentrate and process of making same."

A pre-World War I advertisement in 1914 introduced George Washington's Coffee to the public. The New York Times sakrij naslov

A pre-World War I advertisement in 1914 introduced George Washington's Coffee to the public.

But it was another immigrant in America, an Anglo-Belgian inventor named George Washington, who first successfully mass-produced instant coffee. (Washington's presidential namesake was not only a coffee drinker but perhaps even an importer.) Established in 1910, the G. Washington Coffee Refining Co., with production facilities in Brooklyn, N.Y., initially sold as "Red E Coffee."

While the name suggested convenience, marketing soon highlighted other benefits of the "perfectly digestible coffee." "Now you can drink all the COFFEE you wish!" an early 1914 ad in the New York Times promised. "No more do you have to risk indigestion when you drink coffee," thanks to a "wonderful process that removes the disturbing acids and oils (always present in ordinary coffee)."

Competing products were hitting the market when demand for soluble coffee skyrocketed with the American entry into the Great War in 1917. The U.S. military snapped up all the instant coffee it could. By October 1918, just before the war's end, Uncle Sam was trying to get 37,000 pounds a day of the powder — far above the entire national daily output of 6,000 pounds, according to Mark Pendergrast's coffee history, Uncommon Grounds.

"After trying to put it up in sticks, tablets, capsules and other forms," noted William Ukers in his authoritative All About Coffee, "it was determined that the best method was to pack it in envelopes." Each held a quarter ounce.

Soluble coffee was notably used on the front lines. Soldiers stirred it into hot water, gulped from tin mugs, and called it "a cup of George," after the company's founder — whose name was apparently familiar to at least some of them. In a letter from the front that Pendergrast quotes, a soldier wrote: "There is one gentlemen I am going to look up first after I get through helping whip the Kaiser, and that is George Washington, of Brooklyn, the soldiers' friend."

The U.S. War Department's E.F. Holbrook, head of the coffee branch of the Subsistence Department, considered instant coffee instrumental in the face of chemical weapons : "The use of mustard gas by the Germans made it one of the most important articles of subsistence used by the army," he explained to the Tea and Coffee Trade Journal in 1919. The "extensive use of mustard gas made it impossible to brew coffee by the ordinary methods in the rolling kitchens," he said.

Equally important was coffee's effect on morale in the trenches. It was hot, familiar and offered a hint of home's comforts. And it had caffeine, which helped energize the troops.

For java addicts like Mexican-American doughboy José de la Luz Sáenz, who served with the 360th Infantry Expeditionary Forces in France and Occupied Germany, that jolt also kept at bay "the headaches caused by the lack of coffee in the morning," he wrote in his journal on Sept. 26, 1918, after a sleepless night and gas attack on the Western Front.

Rather than using his "condiment can" to carry food, he filled one of its compartments with sugar and the other with instant coffee. Managing to get a small alcohol stove to heat water, he prepared cups in the trenches. "The hot coffee with our reliable 'hardtack' biscuits hit the spot and revived exhausted, hungry, and drowsy soldiers," noted Sáenz, a teacher (and future civil rights activist) from South Texas.

Sometimes Sáenz and his fellow soldiers had to do without heat — or even water — for their coffee. "On occasions when the morning finds us on our feet, I am glad to be able to chew on a spoonful of coffee with a bit of sugar."

After the first world war ended, Washington's company relaunched "prepared coffee" for the household. "Went to war! Home again," read an advertisement with a saluting coffee can. The focus this time was on convenience: "Fresh coffee whenever you want it — as strong as you want it."

After World War I, the coffee was reintroduced to the public with the slogan "Went to War! Home Again." Advertisement from the New York Tribune, June 22, 1919. New York Tribune/Library of Congress sakrij naslov

While Washington's company continued to sell coffee, its Swiss competitor, Nestlé, managed to develop a better technique for producing instant coffee. In 1938 it launched Nescafé, which soon dominated the global instant coffee market.

In 1943, just before his death, Washington sold the company. (In 1961, the George Washington coffee brand was discontinued.) By then, World War II was raging, and American GIs were calling their coffee by a different name: Joe.

GIs enjoy a cup of coffee during World War II. "The American soldier became so closely identified with his coffee that G.I. Joe gave his name to the brew," according to coffee historian Mark Pendergrast. Bettmann Archives/Getty Images sakrij naslov

GIs enjoy a cup of coffee during World War II. "The American soldier became so closely identified with his coffee that G.I. Joe gave his name to the brew," according to coffee historian Mark Pendergrast.

Bettmann Archives/Getty Images

One legend behind the origins of the new moniker is that it referred to Josephus Daniels, secretary of the Navy from 1913 to 1921 under Woodrow Wilson, who banned alcohol onboard ships, making coffee the strongest drink in the mess. Snopes, though, fact-checked that claim and called it false.

Yet "Joe" very likely does originate in the military. "The American soldier became so closely identified with his coffee that G.I. Joe gave his name to the brew," according to Pendergrast.

"Nobody can soldier without coffee," a Union cavalryman wrote in his diary at the end of the Civil War. Many servicemen and women who have fought since then would agree. Even when the coffee was instant and called George.

Jeff Koehler's Darjeeling won the 2016 IACP Award for literary food writing. Where the Wild Coffee Grows will be published in autumn. Follow him on Twitter i Instagram.


Invention of the Lobotomy

Moniz and Freemen are usually credited with inventing the lobotomy in the 1930s, though in truth their work was based on many other people's research going back to the mid-19th century. They had read about the work of a European doctor named Gottlieb Burckhardt, who in the 1880s performed some of the first psychosurgeries on patients' frontal lobes, as well as other parts of their brains.

Though Burckhardt was derided by his colleagues, some of whom thought his work was barbarous, Moniz and Freeman were intrigued by the idea that the frontal lobe could be somehow separated from the rest of the brain. This would leave incurably schizophrenic patients relieved of their emotional distress, they believed. In experiments with dogs, they determined that cutting nerves between the brain and its frontal lobe -- the so-called "seat of reason" -- left the animals quiet.

And so Moniz, later joined by Freeman, began experimenting on patients. Their first surgery, on a mentally ill woman, involved drilling two holes in her skull and pumping alcohol into her frontal cortex. Later surgeries involved "coring" several regions in the frontal cortex with hollow needles -- literally sucking out parts of the brain to sever neural connections. All these surgeries were done blind, which is to say they rarely opened up a person's skull to see where they were cutting. Moniz and Freeman just drilled into skull and guesstimated where they should core or cut.

they published articles about their work in prestigious scientific journals, reporting that patients who had been horrific burdens on their families, violent or suicidal, were calmed down immeasurably by the surgery.

In a 1942 presentation at the New York Academy of Medicine, the scientists reported that after lobotomy, patients did sometimes become "indolent" or "outspoken." They were like "children," and loving families could simply dismiss their lack of social graces because now they were so much happier.

Moniz, in a 1937 article on the procedure, describes curing a woman from Lisbon whose husband took her to the Congo, where she was unhappy and became "incapable of running her household." So her husband forced her to go back to Lisbon alone, against her wishes, and she gradually became deeply upset because she was always "expecting horrible events" and believed people were out to kill her.

In retrospect, it seems clear why she might have felt that way, but Moniz reports that after a frontal lobotomy she was cured, "though possibly a little reticent." Though many of Moniz and Freeman's patients became essentially catatonic, while others were unaffected, enough seemed "cured" that the lobotomy became standard practice in mental institutions in the 1940s and early 50s.


US Coffee Statistics

1. U 2019, 64% of Americans aged 18 and over drank coffee every day. (NCA)

2. Americans rank 25. for coffee consumption per capita, with an average consumption of 4.2 kg per person per year. (World Atlas)

3. The USA ranks 11th among the countries with the highest caffeine consumption, with a rate of 200 mg per person per day. (Caffeine Informer)

4. The average U.S. coffee drinker consumes 2.7 cups per day, with the average size of a coffee cup measuring 9 ounces. (The Motley Fool)

5. Više nego 150 million Americans drink about 400 million cups of coffee per day or more than 140 billion cups per year. (The Motley Fool)

6. Coffee consumption in the U.S. in millions of 60-kg bags (Statista):

11. 9 out of 10 older Americans drink coffee at breakfast. 7 out of 10 young Americans drink coffee at dinner—twice as many as in the older generation. (National Coffee Association)

12. In the National Coffee Association’s 2018 report, 79% of Americans surveyed had enjoyed a cup of coffee at home the day before, while 36% had enjoyed a cup of coffee outside the home the day before (Reuters). Ovo znači to 15% of respondents had drunk a coffee both at home and outside the home the day before the survey and that 64% of respondents drank coffee exclusively at home.

13. Almost 50% of Americans who buy coffee outside the home do so at a drive-through. (National Coffee Association)

14. 60% of American coffee drinkers visited a branded coffee shop chain at least once a month in 2018. (Beverage Daily)

15. The most popular methods of making coffee in the USA (Statista):

16. The use of drip coffee makers has decreased by 24% over the past 5 years, while the use of single-cup brewers has increased by 50% since 2015. (National Coffee Association)

17. The most searched coffee drinks in the USA (WorkWise):

  1. Caramel Macchiato
  2. Flat White
  3. Cappuccino
  4. Cold Brew
  5. Latte Macchiato

18. Consumption of espresso-based drinks continues to grow. Here are the most popular espresso-based coffee drinks (as a percentage of people who consumed them last year). (National Coffee Association):

  • Cappuccino (33%)
  • Latte (33%)
  • Cold brew (28%)
  • Espresso (26%)
  • Mocha (23%)
  • Macchiato (18%)
  • Americano (18%)
  • Flat white (8%)

19. 4% of Americans add alternative dairy products to their coffee, while 40% of Americans add milk or sweeteners to their coffee. (National Coffee Association)

20. The number of people adding only milk to coffee has grown by 66% since 2015. (National Coffee Association)

21. Consumption of gourmet/premium coffee increased by 25% between 2015 and 2019. (National Coffee Association)

22. 53% of US coffee lovers prefer to buy coffee that is environmentally friendly or that supports farmers, while 47% of Americans do not pay attention to these matters. (National Coffee Association)

23. Coffee consumption by occupation (Early Bird):

25. Millennial coffee preferences (National Coffee Association Blog):

  • 70% of the coffee consumed by millennials is in the form of gourmet beverages.
  • 32% of millennials consume an espresso-based beverage every day, which is higher than among any other demographic.
  • 14% of millennials drink a non-espresso-based beverage every day.
  • O 65% of millennials are aware of single-cup brewers, which is significantly lower than among older age groups.

26. People employed in coffee production in the USA (IBISWorld):

28. Average annual spending at coffee shops by profession, per year (Early Bird):

30. Cost of coffee at home vs at coffee shops (Lazy Man and Money):

33. Coffee imports to the USA (Statista):

35. Most popular coffee shops in the USA (World Coffee Portal):

36. Number of coffee shops in the USA per chain: (World Coffee Portal)

  • Starbucks – 14,875 stores
  • Dunkin’ Donuts – 9,570 stores
  • Caribou Coffee – 4,700 stores

37. Average price of coffee in the most popular coffee chains in the USA: (MyFriendsCoffee)

38. 78% of coffee shops in the USA are part of the Starbucks, Dunkin’ Donuts, or Caribou Coffee chains. (World coffee portal)

39. Number of baristas per state (MyFriendsCoffee):

42. The average size of a cup of coffee in the USA (Shutterfly):

Mug TypeMug Size
Espresso2-3 oz
Cappuccino5-6 oz
Classic8-15 oz
Latte11-15 oz
Oversized Mug20-25 oz
Oversized Latte20-25 oz
Travel Tumbler15-20 oz
Travel Mug15-20 oz