Povijesti Podcasti

Britanija i kolonijalni pomorski rat početkom osamnaestog stoljeća - srebro, moć i Atlantik, Shinsuke Satsuma

Britanija i kolonijalni pomorski rat početkom osamnaestog stoljeća - srebro, moć i Atlantik, Shinsuke Satsuma

Britanija i kolonijalni pomorski rat početkom osamnaestog stoljeća - srebro, moć i Atlantik, Shinsuke Satsuma

Britanija i kolonijalni pomorski rat početkom osamnaestog stoljeća - srebro, moć i Atlantik, Shinsuke Satsuma

Ova knjiga pokriva nešto manje poznato razdoblje vojne povijesti - Rat za španjolsko nasljedstvo i njegove neposredne nasljednike, u periodu kada Kraljevska mornarica nije vladala morima (iako se iz teksta jasno vidi da su mnogi političari i komentatori izgledali verovao da jeste).

Ne očekujte velike detalje o stvarnim pomorskim ekspedicijama tog razdoblja. Ovdje je u velikoj mjeri fokus na britanskoj domaćoj političkoj sceni. To ne znači da nema pokrivanja pomorskih ekspedicija tog razdoblja, ali to nije glavna svrha knjige.

Jedan od razloga za to je relativna nedjelotvornost Kraljevske mornarice u ovom razdoblju, barem u usporedbi s očekivanjima javnosti. Politička se rasprava osvrnula na uočenu slavu elizabetanskog pomorskog rata i naprijed u očekivanoj koristi koju će imati od mogućih pomorskih ekspedicija (posebno od oduzimanja španjolskih srebrnih konvoja iz Novog svijeta). To također ukazuje na novi aspekt ovog razdoblja - mnogo pisanja o britanskom pomorskom ratu u doba plovidbe pokriva razdoblja kada je Francuska bila glavni neprijatelj, ali ovdje je Španija mnogo jača.

Ključna pitanja koja se ovdje postavljaju su: ko je bio za pomorske ekspedicije; šta su očekivali da će imati od njih; koliko su ta očekivanja bila realna; kakav su utjecaj ove agitacije imale na stvarnu britansku pomorsku politiku; koliko su uspješne bile te ekspedicije i koja su ograničenja na tim ekspedicijama. Uvučeni smo u srce niza političkih debata, pri čemu igrači sa svake strane često mijenjaju svoje stavove pri padu i odlasku s vlasti. Ovo su ključna pitanja, pa je ovo vrijedan dodatak literaturi o pomorskom ratovanju.

Poglavlja

1 - Englesko širenje u Španjolsku Ameriku i razvoj pro -pomorske ratne argumentacije

Dio 1: Pro-pomorski ratni argumenti za vrijeme rata za španjolsko naslijeđe
2 - Ideja o ekonomskim prednostima pomorskog rata u Španjolskoj Americi
3 - Pro -pomorski ratni argumenti i stranačka politika

Dio 2: Uticaj na stvarnost
4 - Utjecaj na stvarnost: Pomorska politika
5 - Uticaj na stvarnost: zakonodavstvo
6 - Kompanija Južno more i njen plan za pomorsku ekspediciju 1712

Dio 3: Pro-Pomorski ratni argumenti nakon 1714
7-Pro-pomorski ratni argumenti tokom rata Četverostruke alijanse i anglo-španskog sukoba 1726-29
8 - Promjene u pomorskoj politici nakon 1714. godine: od osvajanja do sigurnosti trgovine

Autor: Shinsuke Satsuma
Izdanje: Tvrdi uvez
Stranice: 296
Izdavač: Boydell
Godina: 2013



Britanija i kolonijalni pomorski rat u ranom osamnaestom stoljeću - Srebro, sile mora i Atlantik, Shinsuke Satsuma - Povijest

Ja sam akademik u ranoj karijeri koji istražuje društvenu historiju ranih modernih pomoraca, i šire me zanima politička, kulturna i ekonomska historija ranog modernog doba. Moja istraživačka interesovanja uključuju ulogu pomoraca u raznim pomorskim svjetovima ' (Atlantik, Mediteran, Sjeverno more, Indijski okean), društvene aspekte pomorske zajednice, odnos između pomoraca, mornarice i formiranja države te društvenih i kulturni aspekti rane moderne plovidbe. Moj sadašnji projekt fokusira se na ulogu britanskih pomoraca u razvoju carstva i međunarodne trgovine od kraja šesnaestog do početka osamnaestog stoljeća.

Predavač sam istorije atlantskog svijeta na Univerzitetu u Readingu. Prije dolaska u Reading radio sam na projektu 'Sailing into modernity ', sa sjedištem u Centru za pomorske historijske studije Univerziteta u Exeteru, gdje sam i dalje počasni član, i proveo sam dvije godine kao mlađi naučni saradnik na Merton Collegeu , Oxford. Također sam povjerenik Britanske komisije za pomorsku historiju i savjetnik projekta MarineLives.


Britanija i kolonijalni pomorski rat u ranom osamnaestom stoljeću: srebro, moć mora i Atlantik.

Britanija i kolonijalni pomorski rat u ranom osamnaestom stoljeću: srebro, moć mora i Atlantik.

Koja je bila svrha britanskih ratova u 18. stoljeću u Zapadnoj Indiji, uključujući osnivanje pomorskih baza u Antigvi i Jamajci? Satsuma ovdje preuzima argument da je njihova glavna svrha bila laka finansijska dobit, dok su nanijeli finansijsku štetu Španiji, a u manjoj mjeri Francuskoj i Holandiji. Ovaj svezak istražuje interne britanske slučajeve za pro-pomorske ratove, kako za vrijeme rata za španjolsko naslijeđe koji je trajao od 1702-13, tako i za vrijeme rata u četverostrukom savezu 1718-20 i anglo-španskog sukoba 1726- 29. Srednji dio analizira utjecaj ove linije razmišljanja i na pomorsku politiku i na parlamentarno zakonodavstvo, obraćajući posebnu pažnju na američki akt iz 1708. Jedno dodatno poglavlje istražuje osnivanje kompanije South Sea Company i planove, kasnije napuštene, za pomorsku mornaricu ekspedicija koja ga podržava 1712. Proširenje akronima na dvije stranice dato je na početku knjige. Ovaj rad je zasnovan na Satsuminoj disertaciji iz istorije na Univerzitetu u Exeteru.


Iskušenja trgovine: Britanija, Španija i borba za carstvo, Adrian Finucane

Jeremy Black, Iskušenja trgovine: Britanija, Španija i borba za carstvo, Adrian Finucane, The English Historical Review, Svezak 133, izdanje 562, lipanj 2018, stranice 724–725, https://doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cey106

Napredujući u skorijem radu brojnih naučnika - posebno Satsume Shinsukea u njegovom odličnom izlaganju Britanija i kolonijalni pomorski rat u ranom osamnaestom stoljeću: srebro, moć mora i Atlantik (2013) - Adrian Finucane razmatra odnose između Britanije i Španije, posebno u pogledu karipske trgovine početkom osamnaestog stoljeća. Složenosti veza, od vlade do uloge pojedinaca, jasno se pojavljuju, iako kontekst, u Britaniji, Španiji i na Karibima, nije bio dosljedan. Na primjer, torijevsko ministarstvo koje je pregovaralo o sporazumu s Francuskom u Utrechtskom miru 1713. godine, čime je okončano britansko učešće u ratu za španjolsko naslijeđe, bilo je predano, dijelom kao reakcija na vigovski intervencionizam na kontinentu 1700 -ih, politike komercijalnog rasta.


Britanija i kolonijalni pomorski rat Shinsuke Satsuma

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Ažurirano do 31. maja 2016. na HistoryofWar.org: Aichi Aircraft, Douglas Aircraft, borbene grupe USAA -e, razarači klase Monaghan, Francuska 1814, američki srednji tenkovi, pad Sparte

Ovog mjeseca osvrćemo se na ratove koji su pokrenuli propadanje drevne Sparte, koji su prvo doveli do prvog poraza velike spartanske hoplitske vojske, a zatim su oduzeli mnoge njene posjede na Peloponezu. Naša serija Napoleonove odbrane Francuske 1814. pokriva njegovih posljednjih nekoliko pobjeda, dovodeći nas do ponovnog zauzimanja Rheimsa kasno 13. marta. Na moru nastavljamo s serijom članaka o američkim razaračima klase Monaghan iz Prvog svjetskog rata, dok u zraku gledamo avione Aichi i Douglas i borbene grupe Devetog ratnog zrakoplovstva SAD -a. Konačno, naša serija o tenkovima razmatra američke tenkove Medium koji su vodili do tenka M2 Medium, direktnog pretka M4 Shermana.

Aichi B7A Ryusei (Zvijezda padalica) 'Grace ' bio je veliki torpedni bombarder dizajniran za upotrebu na novoj generaciji japanskih nosača aviona, ali je sa kopna dospio samo u ograničenoj mjeri nakon uništenja japanske flote nosača.

Aichi D1A Diver Bomber 'Susie ' bio je nosač ronilačkih bombardera zasnovanih na Heinkel He 66 koji je služio u japanskoj mornarici tokom 1930-ih.

Leteći čamac Aichi H9A bio je jedini namjenski trener letećih čamaca koji je u značajnom broju pušten u proizvodnju tokom Drugog svjetskog rata.

Aichi S1A Denko (Bolt of Light) bio je noćni lovac japanske mornarice koji je bio u poodmakloj fazi razvoja prije nego što je američko bombardiranje uništilo dva prototipa, čime je program okončan.

Douglas RD bio je mornarička verzija dvomotornog amfibijskog aviona Douglas Dolphin, a proizveden je u brojnim varijantama za mornaricu i obalnu stražu.

Douglas C-29 Dolphin bio je najmoćniji avion u seriji Dolphin, a pokretali su ga dva motora od 550 KS.

366. lovačka grupa služila je s Devetim zračnim snagama i sudjelovala je u invaziji Dana D, napredovanju preko Francuske, operaciji Market Garden, bitci za Bulge i invaziji na Njemačku.

367. lovačka grupa služila je s Devetim zračnim snagama i sudjelovala je u invaziji Dana D, napredovanju preko Francuske, bitci za Bulge i invaziji na Njemačku.

368. lovačka grupa služila je s Devetim zračnim snagama i sudjelovala je u invaziji Dana D, opsadi Cherbourga, napredovanju preko Francuske, napadu na Njemačku i bitci kod Bulgea.

USS Fanning (DD-37) bio je razarač klase Monaghan koji je učestvovao u američkoj intervenciji u Meksiku 1914. godine i pomogao pri potonuću U-58 |, jedna od samo dvije njemačke podmornice potonule američki razarači tokom Prvog svjetskog rata.

USS Jarvis (DD-38) bio je razarač klase Monaghan koji je učestvovao u američkoj intervenciji u Meksiku 1914. godine, a zatim je služio iz Queenstowna i Bresta tokom Prvog svjetskog rata.

USS Henley (DD-39) bio je razarač klase Monaghan koji se koristio za ispitivanje turbina sa zupčanicima, a zatim je djelovao uz istočnu obalu SAD-a nakon ulaska Amerike u Prvi svjetski rat. 1920 -ih je služila u Obalnoj straži, prije nego što je prodana na otpad 1934.

USS Beale (DD-40) je bio razarač klase Monaghan koji je učestvovao u američkoj intervenciji u Meksiku 1914. godine, patrolirao je u američkim vodama 1917. i djelovao iz Queenstowna tokom 1918. Dio 1920-ih provela je u operaciji sa Obalnom stražom.

USS Jouett (DD-41) bio je razarač klase Monaghan koji je učestvovao u američkoj intervenciji u Meksiku 1914. godine, a zatim je uveliko djelovao u blizini američke obale nakon ulaska Amerike u Prvi svjetski rat. 1920 -ih pozajmljena je obalskoj straži.

USS Jenkins (DD-42) je bio razarač klase Monaghan koji je učestvovao u američkoj intervenciji u Meksiku 1914. godine, a zatim je djelovao iz Queenstowna u Irskoj tokom 1917.-1818.

Bitka kod Montereaua (18. februara 1814) bila je posljednja Napoleonova značajna pobjeda nad armijom Češke generala Schwarzenberga tokom kampanje 1814. godine, te je prisilila Schwarzenberga da se povuče istočno iz okolice Pariza natrag prema Troyesu.

Bitka kod Bar-sur-Aube (27. februara 1814) bila je jedan od niza poraza koje su pretrpjeli Napoleonovi podređeni tokom kampanje 1814. godine, a kombinirane ruske i bavarske snage porazile su maršala Oudinota nakon pokušaja da uvjere saveznike da je Napoleon i dalje bio prisutan na tom području nije uspjelo.

Bitka kod Craonnea (7. ožujka 1814.) bila je rijedak primjer bitke u kojoj su oba zapovjednika pogrešno procijenila situaciju i bila je nezadovoljavajuća i za Francuze i za saveznike, iako se računa kao tijesna francuska pobjeda.

Bitka kod Laona (8-9. Marta 1814.) bio je francuski poraz koji je okončao Napoleonovu nadu da će pobijediti Bluchera po drugi put u kampanji 1814. i natjerao ga da se povuče na položaj između dvije glavne savezničke vojske.

Bitka kod Arcis-sur-Aube (20.-21. Marta 1814.) bila je posljednja Napoleonova velika bitka tokom kampanje 1814. godine i vidjela ga je kako je krivo procijenio svoje protivnike, upao u opasnu zamku, a zatim uspio istrijebiti veći dio svoje vojske.

Bitka kod Rheimsa (13. marta 1814) bila je Napoleonov posljednji značajan uspjeh tokom kampanje 1814. godine, a njegove trupe su ponovo zauzele Rheims u noćnom napadu, nakratko izazivajući paniku među savezničkim zapovjednicima.

Srednji tenk T1 bio je posljednji pokušaj proizvodnje efikasnog tenka na bazi ranijeg srednjeg tenka M1921, ali iako je nakratko prihvaćen kao srednji tenk M1, nikada nije ušao u proizvodnju.

Srednji tenk T2 bio je tenk od 15 tona za koji je ocijenjeno da je najbolji tenk do sada dizajniran od strane američkog Odjela za oružje kada je testiran 1931. godine, ali nije ušao u proizvodnju zbog financijskih ograničenja tijekom Velike depresije.

Medium Tank T4/ Medium Tank M1 bio je posljednji srednji tenk koji je koristio konvertibilnu pokretnu opremu u stilu Christie, a baziran je na Combat Car T4, koji je sam razvijen od Christie M1931/ Medium Tank T3.

Medium Tank T5 je bio prototip za Medium Tank M2, a bio je i prvi u nizu dizajna koji su završili sa M4 Sherman.

U bitci kod Apolonije (381. pne.) Sparta i njen saveznik Derda iz Elimije porazili su napad ofintijske konjice koji je ušao na područje Apolonije.

Bitka kod Olinta (381. pne.) Bila je druga bitka koju su Spartanci vodili blizu grada tokom ekspedicije na Halkididiju, a završila je porazom i smrću spartanskog zapovjednika Teleutija.

Tebanski pohod 378. godine prije nove ere bio je prva od dvije neuspješne invazije na Beotiju koju je vodio spartski kralj Agesilaj II, a završila se nakon sukoba u blizini grada Tebe.

Bitka kod Thespiae (378. pne.) Bila je tebanska pobjeda koja je okončala period napada Sparte na njihovu bazu u Thespiae, u kojoj je ubijen spartanski zapovjednik Feebidas. sukob izazvan pokušajima Sparte da nametne svoju dominaciju nad ostatkom Grčke, a koji je završio dramatičnim spartanskim porazom koji je označio početak kraja za Spartu kao veliku silu.

Tebanska hegemonija (371-362) bilo je kratko razdoblje u kojem su pobjede Epaminonde na bojnom polju srušile moć Sparte i učinile Tebu najmoćnijom državom u Grčkoj. Počelo je poraznom tebanskom pobjedom nad spartanskom vojskom kod Leuktre, a efektivno je završilo smrću Epaminonde u bitci kod Mantineje.

Redeye - Fulda Cold, Bill Fortin.

Roman je uglavnom smješten na istočno-zapadnonjemačkoj granici tokom Hladnog rata, slijedeći iskustva američkog regruta tokom njegove dvije godine službe kasnih 1960-ih. Mnogo više liči na autobiografiju nego na roman, s mješavinom povijesnih i izmišljenih ličnosti, dok je glavni lik uključen na rubu dijela hladnoratovske vojne diplomacije.

Pobunjenik u meni - gerilski komandant ZANLA -e u Rodezijskom ratu u Bošu, 1975-1980, Agripa Mutambara.

Uglavnom mišljenje iznutra o oslobodilačkoj borbi u Zimbabveu (pri čemu se oko polovine knjige odnosi na napad Rodezije na sjedište ZANLA -e u Chimoiou), napisano od strane ključne osobe u političkoj strani borbe koja je i dalje lojalna Mugabe. Fascinantan materijal o borbi protiv ZANLA -e, samo imajte na umu da je ovo politički vrlo jednostrano.

Opsada LZ Kate, Arthur G. Sharp.

Gleda na kratku, ali žestoku opsadu sjevernovijetnamskog opsade američke vatrene baze blizu granice s Kambodžom, i dramatičan noćni bijeg u kojem su opkoljeni američki i saveznički vojnici pobjegli iz ove zamke. Opsada je zaista trajala samo četiri dana, pa je obuhvaćena u nekim detaljima, posebno o neprocjenjivoj zračnoj podršci koja je održavala bazu opskrbljenom, evakuirala ranjenike i pružala vatrenu moć za obranu izoliranog stuba od mnogo veće snage napada.

Moltke i njegovi generali: studija o liderstvu, Quintin Barry.
Osvrće se na odnos između Helmuta von Moltkea, načelnika pruskog generalštaba za vrijeme ratova za ujedinjenje Njemačke, i generala s kojima je morao raditi. Pokazuje vještinu kojom je upravljao vrlo raznolikom grupom oficira, različitih nivoa vještine, nezavisnosti i tvrdoglavosti. Također pomaže u objašnjenju zašto je Prusima bio potreban sistem u kojem su profesionalni štabni oficiri radili zajedno sa zapovjednicima jedinica, od kojih su mnogi imali aristokratsko ili kraljevsko porijeklo.
[pročitajte cijelu recenziju]

SS: Hitlerove strane divizije-strani dobrovoljci u Waffen-SS, 1940-45, Chris Bishop.
Gleda na iznenađujuće veliki broj stranih trupa koje su se borile sa SS-om tokom Drugog svjetskog rata, počevši od ispitivanja zemlje po zemlji motivacije, razmjera i organizacije regrutiranja, a zatim se okrenuvši jedinici po jedinici često prilično impresivan borbeni zapis. Obuhvaća mješavinu jedinica, uključujući nekolicinu visokokvalificiranih divizija na prvoj liniji fronta, ali daleko zlobnije antipartizanske jedinice sa strašnim dosijeima i kasnim ratnim jedinicama ujedinjenim u trenutku raspada nacističkog carstva.
[pročitajte cijelu recenziju]

Časni ratnici: Borba protiv talibana u Afganistanu, Richard Streatfield.
Slijedi iskustvo zapovjednika satnije koji je djelovao u Sanginu 2009.-2010., U razdoblju intenzivnih aktivnih operacija u kojima je njegova jedinica polako počela preuzimati kontrolu nad područjem udaljenim od lokalnih talibana, iako po prilično visokim cijenama. Sadrži detaljnu analizu ispravnog načina rada u ovakvom okruženju ako postoji šansa za dugoročni uspjeh i kako je to implementirano na nivou kompanije.
[pročitajte cijelu recenziju]

Zimski rat, Eloise Engle i Lauri Paananen.
Klasičan prikaz ovog ranog izdanka Drugog svjetskog rata, napisan uglavnom s finskog stanovišta (možda neizbježno s obzirom na ograničenu količinu pouzdanih sovjetskih izvora 1970 -ih). Iako postoje noviji radovi, ovo je odlično polazište i daje dobar osjećaj za utjecaj rata na Fince.
[pročitajte cijelu recenziju]

Ljudi koji su nam dali krila: Britanija i avion 1796-1914, Peter Reese.
Zanimljiv izvještaj o prvim danima leta u Britaniji, od istraživanja jedrilica, preko raznih neuspješnih pokušaja leta s pogonom i do svijeta nakon Wright Brothersa, kada su pioniri britanske zrakoplovne industrije došli do izražaja, grupa izvanredni ljudi među kojima su bila i braća Short, AV Roe, Geoffrey de Havilland i Sir Thomas Sopwith.
[pročitajte cijelu recenziju]

Britanija i Kolonijalni pomorski rat početkom osamnaestog stoljeća - Srebro, Moć i Atlantik, Shinsuke Satsuma.
Pogled na političke uticaje na britansku pomorsku politiku tokom prve polovine osamnaestog veka, perioda u kojem je Španija još uvek bila glavni fokus pomorskog ratovanja, a špansko srebro još uvek je imalo maha u mnogim maštama. Veoma se fokusira na političku scenu u Britaniji, a ne na detalje stvarnih pomorskih ekspedicija, iako su i one pokrivene.
[pročitajte cijelu recenziju]

Biografski rječnik Kraljevske mornarice dvadesetog stoljeća: Tom 1, admirali flote i admirali, Alastair Wilson.

Početak velikog projekta za izradu rječnika britanske pomorske biografije 20. stoljeća, počevši od admirala i admirala flote. Podelite na dva dela, sa biografijama u pdf formatu na CD -u i odštampanim tomom kako biste objasnili format i sadržaj biografije. Ovo je vrlo korisno referentno djelo samo za sebe - svakako će mi biti od velike koristi dok pokušavam pronaći neke od opskurnijih ratnih admirala - a cijela serija bit će vrlo impresivno postignuće.

Vododjelnica - Angola i Mozambik: foto -historija - Portugalski kolaps u Africi, 1974-75, Wilf Nussey.

Odlična fotografska istorija kraja Portugalskog carstva u Africi, pokrenuta rušenjem fašističkog režima u Portugalu. Zasnovano na fotografijama koje je snimila Argus Africa News Service, potkrijepljenim tekstom koji je napisao tadašnji šef službe. Slijedi tragična priča o velikim, ali razočaranim očekivanjima nakon nezavisnosti nakon koje su uslijedili produženi građanski ratovi u obje zemlje.

Na provaliji: Staljin, vođstvo Crvene armije i put do Staljingrada 1931-42, Peter Mezhiritsky.

Izvještaj o putu do Staljingrada labavo se bazira na raspravi o memoarima maršala Žukova, ali se fokusira na Staljinovu ulogu u katastrofama koje su gotovo preplavile Sovjetski Savez nakon njemačke invazije 1941. Često u tonu i sa tonom sklonost prepuštanju fantazijama i nagađanjima, ovo je i dalje zabavno štivo koje nudi zanimljivo gledište o ovom razornom razdoblju.


Kakav je dugoročni uticaj rata za špansko naslijeđe na Evropu?

Rat za španjolsko nasljedstvo bio je razoran rat koji se dogodio od 1702-1715. Obuhvatio je sve velike evropske sile, uključujući Britaniju, Francusku, Austriju, Španiju, Prusku i druga njemačka kraljevstva, talijanska kraljevstva, Portugal i Nizozemsku. Glavni rezultat rata je taj što je spriječio Francusku da se ujedini sa Španijom nakon smrti Karla II iz dinastije Habsburg. Međutim, više od rješavanja ovog mogućeg ujedinjenja, ono je stvorilo novi poredak moći koji je imao globalne posljedice.

Rat i njegovi ishodi

Rat je u početku bio potaknut smrću Karla II, posljednjeg habsburškog monarha na prijestolju Španije (slika 1). Karlo II je obećao prijestolje Filipu, vojvodi od Anžuvije, unuku Luja XIV. Smrću Karla i Filipa koji su proglašeni kraljem u Španiji, Luj XIV je krenuo u zauzimanje ostatka španskih teritorija, posebno u španskoj Holandiji. Ovo je viđeno kao pokušaj Louisa da ujedini veći dio zapadne Evrope pod svojom kontrolom i učvrsti francusku dominaciju u Evropi. Ovo je pokrenulo savez između Holandije, Engleske, Pruske, Hannovera, drugih njemačkih država i Portugala. S druge strane, francuski Louis bio je saveznik Bavarske, Kelna, Mantove i Savojskih vojvoda. Međutim, Savoy je kasnije promijenio stranu. [1]

Englesku su na bojnom polju vješto vodili vojvoda od Marlborougha i princ Eugen Savojski. Zbog svađe, princ Eugene je promijenio savez iz Francuske u savez Engleske. S možda dva najsposobnija evropska generala, pod Marlboroughom i princom Eugenom, postignute su odlučne pobjede koje su preokrenule francuske uspjehe. Bili su prisiljeni da se povuku iz Nemačke, Holandije i Italije. Britanci su se naročito oslanjali na svoju monarhiju, a parlament je imao aktivniju ulogu u ratu. Do 1708, Francuska je bila spremna za uslovljavanje. Ipak, britanski zahtjevi pokazali su se teškim, jer je Britanija htjela da Louis pošalje vlastitu vojsku koja će svrgnuti vlastitog unuka sa njegovog prijestolja u Španiji. To je dovelo do toga da se rat odugovlači.

Međutim, do 1711. godine stvari su se promijenile, jer je vojvoda od Marlborougha ispao sa svojim engleskim pristalicama, a uspon nadvojvode Charlesa iz Habsburgovaca u Austriji promijenio je situaciju, gdje je njegov uspon prijetio da vrati Španiju pod svoju vlast. U stvari, to je umanjilo apetit Evrope za nastavak rata. Osim toga, savez protiv Francuske našao je poteškoće u borbi u samoj Španiji, gdje su se teritorija i borbe pokazale težim. To je dovelo do konačnog niza ugovora koji su okončali rat, počevši od 1713. (Utrechtski ugovor), a zatim kasnije Rastatt i Baden. [2]

Ugovori su efektivno držali Španiju pod Louisovim unukom, gdje je sada vladala Burbonska kuća, iako je to značilo i da se ne može ujediniti sa Španijom. Nadalje, Francuska i Španija bile su prisiljene odreći se teritorija, uključujući Španjolsku Nizozemsku i Napulj u Evropi. Ostale manje teritorije, poput Gibraltara, izgubljene su. U Novom svijetu Newfoundland je dat britanskim snagama. U stvari, rat je, prema strankama koje su prihvatile ugovore, održao ravnotežu snaga u Evropi, gdje su Francuska i Španija zadržale svoju želju za kraljem Bourbona. Ipak, ta moć nije bila toliko jaka koliko je Louis na početku želio, jer se morao odreći teritorija. Rat je mogao biti više katastrofa za Francusku. Ipak, do 1711-13 bili su u boljoj poziciji za pregovore. [3]

Dugoročni uticaj

Dok je u principu rat održavao ravnotežu u evropskoj politici među silama, stvarnost je bila drugačija. Prvo, novo Ujedinjeno Kraljevstvo koje je formalno ujedinilo Škotsku s Engleskom pojavilo se kao globalna sila, dobrim dijelom, zahvaljujući ratu i njegovim posljedicama. Britanija je stekla nekoliko ključnih teritorija, posebno u Novom svijetu, poput Newfoundlanda, i pristup trgovini i područjima u kojima su nekad dominirali Francuzi. Osim toga, oni su kontrolirali Gibraltar, uzevši ga iz Španjolske (i još uvijek ga imaju do danas).

Međutim, umjesto da oslabi glavnog neprijatelja, Francusku, rat je znatno oslabio Nizozemce, gdje su ih uhvatili veliki dugovi. To je sada omogućilo Velikoj Britaniji da preuzme mnoge trgovačke mogućnosti u Africi, Sjevernoj Americi, a posebno u Indiji i na istoku koje su Nizozemci nekoć kontrolirali. Uspon Britanije kao trgovačkog i teritorijalnog carstva bitno se ubrzao zbog posljedica rata. U stvari, uspon Britanske indijske istočne kompanije, na primjer, uvelike je ubrzao nakon ovog vremena, posebno jer su bogatstva Nizozemske istočnoindijske kompanije ubrzo nakon rata počela opadati (slika 2). [4]

Za Nizozemce se rat dugo vukao, a tri miliona stanovnika nije se moglo nositi s velikim dugom. U suštini, Holanđani su bili veoma uticajni u evropskim poslovima u 17. veku. Ipak, nakon ovog rata, taj je utjecaj naglo opao kako je njihovo pomorsko carstvo, a trgovačko umijeće opalo zbog ratnih dugova i troškova. U stvari, uprkos tome što su bili na strani koja je dobila najviše od završetka rata, Holanđani su vidjeli značajne gubitke u svom ukupnom uticaju i ekonomskoj snazi. [5]

Za Francusku je rat izgledao katastrofalno u prvih nekoliko godina, ali do kraja rata bili su u jačoj poziciji i unatoč gubicima u Sjevernoj Americi nisu izgubili najveći dio svojih kolonija. Ono što je možda oslabilo Francusku je više povezano s monarhijom koja je postala previše centralizirana i jaka. Osim toga, troškovi rata imali su dugoročne posljedice, jer je Francuskoj, nakon ovog rata, postalo sve teže plaćati svoje sukobe, stvarajući veći dug. Ovo je stvorilo veću udaljenost između francuske vlade i francuskog naroda, gdje se s vremenom ta udaljenost pokazala razornom i pomogla je do Francuske revolucije. Zapravo, kasniji Sedmogodišnji rat i Američka revolucija vjerovatno su više doprinijeli propadanju francuske kraljevske porodice. Fleksibilnost parlamentarnog sistema, međutim, koja nije ovisila o jakom vladaru, poput sistema u Velikoj Britaniji, može imati učinak i utjecaj pokazujući svoju efikasnost u vođenju kampanja promjenom rukovodstva i nesklonošću impulsivnim monarhima. [6]

Za Španiju je rat donio veliki teritorijalni gubitak u Evropi, iako je njeno prekomorsko carstvo ostalo netaknuto. Španija se više nikada nije pokazala tako utjecajnom kao što je bila u evropskim poslovima u 16. i 17. stoljeću. Glavni učinak je nova vladajuća kuća, Bourbons, donijela nove ideje u vladi i administraciji koje su se razvile u Francuskoj, omogućavajući Španiji bržu modernizaciju političke infrastrukture u 18. stoljeću. Ovo je nakratko obnovilo špansku moć, iako nikada prije rata nije steklo svoju dominaciju u evropskim poslovima. Španija je takođe postala centralizovanija, gdje je kralj Filip ujedinio krune Aragona i Kastilje. [7]

Učinci na današnje države

Posljedice rata su evidentne danas. Na Gibraltaru, Španija želi teritoriju natrag, gdje je još uvijek britanska prekomorska teritorija. Uspon Britanije nakon rata omogućio joj je i da postane najveće carstvo u istoriji. Konkretno, Britanija se nakon ovog rata mogla bolje fokusirati na istok, jer je istočnoindijska kompanija nastala kao komercijalna, a kasnije i teritorijalna sila. Zapravo, dominirajući pomorskom trgovinom, nakon raspada Nizozemske, Britanija je imala način da financira svoje prekomorsko carstvo. To je značilo da nijedan veliki globalni sukob nije uključio Britaniju na određenom nivou nakon ovog rata, jer je Britansko carstvo sada postalo dominantno trgovačko i teritorijalno carstvo u većem dijelu svijeta. Danas je to značilo da su mnoge zemlje efektivno preuzele naslijeđe britanske imperijalne vladavine. U Indiji, na primjer, naslijeđe u obrazovanju, vladi i jeziku je evidentno. To vrijedi i za druge zemlje u koje se Britanija uspjela proširiti s povećanjem svoje prekomorske moći, uključujući Afriku i Aziju. [8]

Rat je pomogao da se dovede do pada Francuske monarhije, koja se sve više izolirala od svog stanovništva i bila centralizirana. Visoki finansijski troškovi doveli su i do duga koji je Francuskoj otežavao oporavak. U Francuskoj i drugdje u zapadnoj Evropi, posebno kako je Francuska revolucija postala utjecajna, postupno kretanje prema parlamentarnim sistemima počelo je ubrzavati, jer su razorni ratovi pokazali slabost država pod vodstvom monarhije. U stvari, put ka demokratijama u zapadnoj Evropi ubrzan je zbog skupoće i promjena koje su donijeli ratovi poput Španskog rata za nasljedstvo.

Nadalje, Španski rat za nasljedstvo pokazao je da se razorni ratovi mogu stvoriti jednostavnim umiranjem monarha bez nasljednika. Stvaranje sistema koji mogu izdržati promjene u bilo kojoj pojedinačnoj porodici ili domaćinstvu pokazalo se privlačnijim kako se nastavilo evropsko prosvjetiteljstvo. Države koje danas vidimo u Zapadnoj Europi odražavaju evolucijske promjene koje je oblikovao rat, jer su njegovi financijski i ljudski troškovi počeli dovoditi do različitih oblika država koje su vladale s manjom ovisnošću o monarhima. [9]

Sažetak

Isprva se činilo da je rat za nasljedstvo Španije sličan drugim ratovima koji su dominirali Evropom krajem 17. stoljeća. Međutim, dugoročna priroda sukoba i nedostatak jasnog rješenja dugi niz godina doveli su do toga da je za neke zemlje, posebno za Nizozemsku i Španjolsku, bio skup, dok su druge imale velike koristi, poput Britanije. To je pomoglo u oblikovanju globalnih poslova koji su se razvijali u sljedećih nekoliko stoljeća, s obzirom da je Britanija dominirala globalnom trgovinom i svjetskim poslovima. Međutim, dugoročno gledano, evropske monarhije nisu uspjele lako riješiti pitanje poput nasljedstva bez pokretanja velikih ratova koji su pomogli da se oslabi utjecaj monarhija u cijeloj Evropi. Ovaj proces je započeo u Velikoj Britaniji ranije, tokom Engleskog građanskog rata, ali rat za Špansko nasljedstvo i kasniji Sedmogodišnji rat pomogli su ubrzanju propasti Francuske monarhije. Uspon Francuske republike bio bi još jedan kritičan korak u Evropi za uklanjanje utjecaja monarhija, ali Rat za španjolsko naslijeđe oblikovao je ovaj proces na mnogo načina. Some of Western Europe's last remaining territorial conflicts, such as the debate regarding Gibraltar, is also a legacy from this war.


Britain and Colonial Maritime War in the Early Eighteenth Century - Silver, Seapower and the Atlantic, Shinsuke Satsuma - History

研究協力者の 薩摩真介 著 Britain and Colonial Maritime War in the Early Eighteenth Century: Silver, Seapower and the Atlantic , Boydell & Brewer(September 19, 2013)が出版されました。是非ご一読ください。

Sadržaj

  • 1 Introduction
  • 2 English Expansion into Spanish America and the Development of a Pro-maritime War Argument
  • 3 Idea of Economic Advantages of Maritime War in Spanish America
  • 4 Pro-maritime War Arguments and Party Politics
  • 5 Impact on Reality: Naval Policy
  • 6 Impact on Reality: Legislation
  • 7 The South Sea Company and its Plan for a Naval Expedition in 1712
  • 8 Pro-maritime War Argument during the War of the Quadruple Alliance and Anglo-Spanish Conflict of 1726-29
  • 9 Changes in Naval Policy after 1714: From Conquest to Security of Trade
  • 10 Conclusion

In early modern Britain, there was an argument that war at sea, especially war in Spanish America, was an ideal means of warfare, offering the prospect of rich gains at relatively little cost whilst inflicting considerable damage on enemy financial resources. This book examines that argument, tracing its origin to the glorious memory of Elizabethan maritime war, discussing its supposed economic advantages, and investigating its influence on British politics and naval policy during the War of the Spanish Succession (1702-13) and after. The book reveals that the alleged economic advantages of war at sea were crucial in attracting the support of politicians of different political stances. It shows how supporters of war at sea, both in the government as well as in the opposition, tried to implement pro-maritime war policy by naval operations, colonial expeditions and by legislation, and how their attempts were often frustrated by diplomatic considerations, the incapacity of naval administration, and by conflicting interests between different groups connected to the West Indian colonies and Spanish American trade. It demonstrates how, after the War of the Spanish Succession, arguments for active colonial maritime war continued to be central to political conflict, notably in the opposition propaganda campaigns against the Walpole ministry, culminating in the War of Jenkins's Ear against Spain in 1739. The book also includes material on the South Sea Company, showing how the foundation of this company, later the subject of the notorious 'Bubble', was a logical part of British strategy. Shinsuke Satsuma completed his doctorate in maritime history at the University of Exeter.


Sadržaj

The cause of the war is traditionally seen as a dispute between Britain and Spain over access to markets in Spanish America. Historians such as Anderson and Woodfine argue it was one of several issues, including tensions with France and British expansion in North America. They suggest the decisive factor in turning a commercial dispute into war was the domestic political campaign to remove Robert Walpole, long-serving British Prime Minister. [7]

The 18th century economic theory of mercantilism viewed trade as a finite resource if one country increased its share, it was at the expense of others and wars were often fought over commercial issues. [8] The 1713 Treaty of Utrecht gave British merchants access to markets in Spanish America, including the Asiento de Negros, a monopoly to supply 5,000 slaves a year. Another was the Navio de Permiso, permitting two ships a year to sell 500 tons of goods each in Porto Bello in present-day Panama and Veracruz in present-day Mexico. [9] These rights were assigned to the South Sea Company, acquired by the British government in 1720. [10]

However, trade between Britain and mainland Spain was far more significant. British goods were imported through Cadiz, either for sale locally or re-exported to Spanish colonies, with Spanish dye and wool being sold to England. A leading City of London merchant called the trade 'the best flower in our garden.' [11] The asiento itself was marginally profitable and has been described as a 'commercial illusion' between 1717 and 1733, only eight ships were sent from Britain to the Americas. [12] Previous holders made money by carrying smuggled goods that evaded customs duties, demand from Spanish colonists creating a large and profitable black market. [13]

Accepting the trade was too widespread to be stopped, the Spanish authorities used it as an instrument of policy. During the 1727 to 1729 Anglo-Spanish War, French ships carrying contraband were let through, while British ships were stopped and severe restrictions imposed on British merchants in Cadiz. This was reversed during the 1733 to 1735 War of the Polish Succession, when Britain supported Spanish acquisitions in Italy. [14]

The 1729 Treaty of Seville allowed the Spanish to board British vessels trading with the Americas. In 1731, Robert Jenkins claimed his ear was amputated by coast guard officers after they discovered contraband aboard his ship Rebecca. Such incidents were seen as the cost of doing business and were forgotten after the easing of restrictions in 1732. [15] Although an earless Jenkins was exhibited in the House of Commons, and war declared in 1739, [16] the legend that his severed ear was shown to the House of Commons has no basis in fact. [17]

Tensions increased after the founding of the British colony of Georgia in 1732, which Spain considered a threat to Spanish Florida, vital to protect shipping routes with mainland Spain. [18] For their part, the British viewed the 1733 Pacte de Famille between Louis XV and his uncle Philip V as the first step in being replaced by France as Spain's largest trading partner. [19]

A second round of "depredations" in 1738 led to demands for compensation, British newsletters and pamphlets presenting them as inspired by France. [20] Linking these allowed the Tory opposition to imply failure to act was due to George II's concerns over exposing Hanover to French attack. Resistance to European 'entanglements' was an ongoing theme in English politics, going back to the 17th century. [21]

The January 1739 Convention of Pardo set up a Commission to resolve the Georgia-Florida boundary dispute and agreed Spain would pay damages of £95,000 for ships seized. In return, the South Sea Company would pay £68,000 to Philip V as his share of profits on the asiento. Despite being controlled by the government, the company refused and Walpole reluctantly accepted his political opponents wanted war. [22]

On 10 July 1739, the Admiralty was authorised to begin naval operations against Spain and on 20th, a force under Admiral Vernon sailed for the West Indies. [23] He reached Antigua in early October on 22 October, British ships attacked La Guaira and Puerto Cabello, principal ports of the Province of Venezuela and Britain formally declared war on 23 October 1739. [24]

The incident that gave its name to the war had occurred in 1731, off the coast of Florida, when the British brig Rebecca was boarded by the Spanish patrol boat La Isabela, commanded by the guarda costa (effectively privateer) Juan de León Fandiño. After boarding, Fandiño cut off the left ear of the Rebecca's captain, Robert Jenkins, whom he accused of smuggling (although Franklin's Pennsylvania Gazette for 7 October 1731, says it was Lieutenant Dorce). [4] Fandiño told Jenkins, "Go, and tell your King that I will do the same, if he dares to do the same." In March 1738, Jenkins was ordered to testify before Parliament, presumably to repeat his story before a committee of the House of Commons. According to some accounts, he produced the severed ear as part of his presentation, although no detailed record of the hearing exists. [25] The incident was considered alongside various other cases of "Spanish Depredations upon the British Subjects", [26] and was perceived as an insult to Britain's honour and a clear casus belli. [27]

The conflict was named by essayist and historian Thomas Carlyle, in 1858, one hundred and ten years after hostilities ended. Carlyle mentioned the ear in several passages of his History of Friedrich II (1858), most notably in Book XI, chapter VI, where he refers specifically to "the War of Jenkins's Ear".

First attack on La Guaira (22 October 1739) Edit

Vernon sent three ships commanded by Captain Thomas Waterhouse to intercept Spanish ships between La Guaira and Porto Bello. He decided to attack a number of vessels that he observed at La Guaira, which was controlled by the Royal Guipuzcoan Company of Caracas. [28] The governor of the Province of Venezuela, Brigadier Don Gabriel de Zuloaga had prepared the port defences, and Spanish troops were well-commanded by Captain Don Francisco Saucedo. On 22 October, Waterhouse entered the port of La Guaira flying the Spanish flag. Expecting attack, the port gunners were not deceived by his ruse they waited until the British squadron was within range and then simultaneously opened fire. After three hours of heavy shelling, Waterhouse ordered a withdrawal. The battered British squadron sailed to Jamaica to undertake emergency repairs. Trying later to explain his actions, Waterhouse argued that the capture of a few small Spanish vessels would not have justified the loss of his men.

Capture of Portobelo (20–22 November 1739) Edit

Prior to 1739, trade between mainland Spain and its colonies was conducted only through specific ports twice a year, outward bound ships assembled in Cadiz and the Flota escorted to Portobelo or Veracruz. One way to impact Spanish trade was by attacking or blockading these ports but as many ships carried cargoes financed by foreign merchants, the strategy also risked damaging British and neutral interests. [29]

During the 1727 to 1729 Anglo-Spanish War, the British attempted to take Portobelo but retreated after heavy losses from disease. On 22 November 1739, Vernon attacked the port with six ships of the line it fell within twenty-four hours and the British occupied the town for three weeks before withdrawing, having first destroyed its fortifications, port and warehouses. [30]

The victory was widely celebrated in Britain the song "Rule Britannia" was written in 1740 to mark the occasion and performed for the first time at a dinner in London honouring Vernon. [31] The suburb of Portobello in Edinburgh and Portobello Road in London are among the places in Britain named after this success, while more medals were awarded for its capture than any other event in the eighteenth century. [32]

However, taking a port in Spain's American empire was considered a foregone conclusion by many Patriot Whigs and opposition Tories. They now pressed a reluctant Walpole to launch larger naval expeditions to the Gulf of Mexico. In the longer term, the Spanish replaced the twice yearly Flota with a larger number of smaller convoys, calling at more ports and Portobelo's economy did not recover until the building of the Panama Canal nearly two centuries later. [ potreban citat ]

First attack on Cartagena de Indias (13–20 March 1740) Edit

Following the success of Portobelo, Vernon decided to focus his efforts on the capture of Cartagena de Indias in present-day Colombia. Both Vernon and Edward Trelawny, governor of Jamaica, considered the Spanish gold shipping port to be a prime objective. Since the outbreak of the war, and Vernon's arrival in the Caribbean, the British had made a concerted effort to gain intelligence on the defences of Cartagena. In October 1739, Vernon sent First Lieutenant Percival to deliver a letter to Blas de Lezo and Don Pedro Hidalgo, governor of Cartagena. Percival was to use the opportunity to make a detailed study of the Spanish defences. This effort was thwarted when Percival was denied entry to the port.

On 7 March 1740, in a more direct approach, Vernon undertook a reconnaissance-in-force of the Spanish city. Vernon left Port Royal in command of a squadron including ships of the line, two fire ships, three bomb vessels, and transport ships. Reaching Cartagena on 13 March, Vernon immediately landed several men to map the topography and to reconnoitre the Spanish squadron anchored in Playa Grande, west of Cartagena. Having not seen any reaction from the Spanish, on 18 March Vernon ordered the three bomb vessels to open fire on the city. Vernon intended to provoke a response that might give him a better idea of the defensive capabilities of the Spanish. Understanding Vernon's motives, Lezo did not immediately respond. Instead, Lezo ordered the removal of guns from some of his ships, in order to form a temporary shore battery for the purpose of suppressive fire. Vernon next initiated an amphibious assault, but in the face of strong resistance, the attempt to land 400 soldiers was unsuccessful. The British then undertook a three-day naval bombardment of the city. In total, the campaign lasted 21 days. Vernon then withdrew his forces, leaving HMS Windsor Castle and HMS Greenwich in the vicinity, with a mission to intercept any Spanish ship that might approach.

Destruction of the fortress of San Lorenzo el Real Chagres (22–24 March 1740) Edit

After the destruction of Portobelo the previous November, Vernon proceeded to remove the last Spanish stronghold in the area. He attacked the fortress of San Lorenzo el Real Chagres, in present-day Panama on the banks of the Chagres River, near Portobelo. The fort was defended by Spanish patrol boats, and was armed with four guns and about thirty soldiers under Captain of Infantry Don Juan Carlos Gutiérrez Cevallos.

At 3 pm on 22 March 1740, the British squadron, composed of the ships Stafford, Norwich, Falmouth i Princess Louisa, fregata dijamant, the bomb vessels Alderney, Terrible, i Cumberland, the fireships Success i Eleanor, and transports Goodly i Pompey, under command of Vernon, began to bombard the Spanish fortress. Given the overwhelming superiority of the British forces, Captain Cevallos surrendered the fort on 24 March, after resisting for two days.

Following the strategy previously applied at Porto Bello, the British destroyed the fort and seized the guns along with two Spanish patrol boats.

During this time of British victories along the Caribbean coast, events taking place in Spain would prove to have a significant effect on the outcome of the largest engagement of the war. Spain had decided to replace Don Pedro Hidalgo as governor of Cartagena de Indias. But, the new governor-designate, Lieutenant General of the Royal Armies Sebastián de Eslava y Lazaga had first to dodge the Royal Navy in order to get to his new post. Starting from the Galician port of Ferrol, the vessels Galicija i San Carlos set out on the journey. Hearing the news, Vernon immediately sent four ships to intercept the Spanish. They were unsuccessful in their mission. The Spanish managed to circumvent the British interceptors and entered the port of Cartagena on 21 April 1740, landing there with the new governor and several hundred veteran soldiers. [33]

Second attack on Cartagena de Indias (3 May 1740) Edit

In May, Vernon returned to Cartagena de Indias aboard the flagship HMS Princess Caroline in charge of 13 warships, with the intention of bombarding the city. Lezo reacted by deploying his six ships of the line so that the British fleet was forced into ranges where they could only make short or long shots that were of little value. Vernon withdrew, asserting that the attack was merely a manoeuver. The main consequence of this action was to help the Spanish test their defences. [34]

Third attack on Cartagena de Indias (13 March – 20 May 1741) Edit

The largest action of the war was a major amphibious attack launched by the British under Admiral Edward Vernon in March 1741 against Cartagena de Indias, one of Spain's principal gold-trading ports in their colony of New Granada (today Colombia). Vernon's expedition was hampered by inefficient organisation, his rivalry with the commander of his land forces, and the logistical problems of mounting and maintaining a major trans-Atlantic expedition. The strong fortifications in Cartagena and the able strategy of Spanish Commander Blas de Lezo were decisive in repelling the attack. Heavy losses on the British side were due in large part to virulent tropical diseases, primarily an outbreak of yellow fever, which took more lives than were lost in battle. [6]

The extreme ease with which the British destroyed Porto Bello led to a change in British plans. Instead of Vernon concentrating his next attack on Havana as expected, in order to conquer Cuba, he planned to attack Cartagena de Indias. Located in Colombia, it was the main port of the Viceroyalty and main point of the West Indian fleet for sailing to the Iberian Peninsula. In preparation the British gathered in Jamaica one of the largest fleets ever assembled. It consisted of 186 ships (60 more than the famous Spanish Armada of Philip II), bearing 2,620 artillery pieces and more than 27,000 men. Of that number, 10,000 were soldiers responsible for initiating the assault. There were also 12,600 sailors, 1,000 Jamaican slaves and macheteros, and 4,000 recruits from Virginia. The latter were led by Lawrence Washington, the older half-brother of George Washington, future President of the United States. [35]

Colonial officials assigned Admiral Blas de Lezo to defend the fortified city. He was a marine veteran hardened by numerous naval battles in Europe, beginning with the War of the Spanish Succession, and by confrontations with European pirates in the Caribbean Sea and Pacific Ocean, and Barbary pirates in the Mediterranean Sea. Assisting in that effort were Melchor de Navarrete and Carlos Desnaux, with a squadron of six ships of the line (the flagship vessel Galicija together with the San Felipe, San Carlos, África, Dragón, i Conquistador) and a force of 3,000 soldiers, 600 militia and a group of native Indian archers.

Vernon ordered his forces to clear the port of all scuttled ships. On 13 March 1741, he landed a contingent of troops under command of Major General Thomas Wentworth and artillery to take Fort de San Luis de Bocachica. In support of that action, the British ships simultaneously opened with cannon fire, at a rate of 62 shots per hour. In turn, Lezo ordered four of the Spanish ships to aid 500 of his troops defending Desnaux's position, but the Spanish eventually had to retire to the city. Civilians were already evacuating it. After leaving Fort Bocagrande, the Spanish regrouped at Fort San Felipe de Barajas, while Washington's Virginians took up positions in the nearby hill of La Popa. Vernon, believing the victory at hand, sent a message to Jamaica stating that he had taken the city. The report was subsequently forwarded to London, where there was much celebration. Commemorative medals were minted, depicting the defeated Spanish defenders kneeling before Vernon. [36] The robust image of the enemy depicted in the British medals bore little resemblance to Admiral Lezo. Maimed by years of battle, he was one-eyed and lame, with limited use of one hand.

On the evening of 19 April, the British mounted an assault in force upon Castillo San Felipe de Barajas. Three columns of grenadiers, supported by Jamaicans and several British companies, moved under cover of darkness, with the aid of an intense naval bombardment. The British fought their way to the base of the fort's ramparts where they discovered that the Spanish had dug deep trenches. This effectively rendered the British scaling equipment too short for the task. The British advance was stymied since the fort's walls had not been breached, and the ramparts could not be topped. Neither could the British easily withdraw in the face of intense Spanish fire and under the weight of their own equipment. The Spanish seized on this opportunity, with devastating effect.

Reversing the tide of battle, the Spanish initiated a fixed bayonet charge at first light, inflicting heavy casualties on the British. The surviving British forces retreated to the safety of their ships. The British maintained a naval bombardment, sinking what remained of the small Spanish squadron (after Lezo's decision to scuttle some of his ships in an effort to block the harbour entrance). The Spanish thwarted any British attempt to land another ground assault force. The British troops were forced to remain aboard ship for a month, without sufficient reserves. With supplies running low, and with the outbreak of disease (primarily yellow fever), which took the lives of many on the crowded ships, [37] Vernon was forced to raise the siege on 9 May and return to Jamaica. Six thousand British died while only one thousand Spanish perished.

Vernon carried on, successfully attacking the Spanish at Guantánamo Bay, Cuba. On 5 March 1742, with the help of reinforcements from Europe, he launched an assault on Panama City, Panama. In 1742, Vernon was replaced by Rear-Admiral Chaloner Ogle and returned to England, where he gave an accounting to the Admiralty. He learned that he had been elected MP for Ipswich. Vernon maintained his naval career for another four years before retiring in 1746. In an active Parliamentary career, Vernon advocated for improvements in naval procedures. He continued to hold an interest in naval affairs until his death in 1757.

News of the defeat at Cartagena was a significant factor in the downfall of the British Prime Minister Robert Walpole. [38] Walpole's anti-war views were considered by the Opposition to have contributed to his poor prosecution of the war effort. The new government under Lord Wilmington wanted to shift the focus of Britain's war effort away from the Americas and into the Mediterranean. Spanish policy, dictated by the queen Elisabeth Farnese of Parma, also shifted to a European focus, to recover lost Spanish possessions in Italy from the Austrians. In 1742, a large British fleet under Nicholas Haddock was sent to try and intercept a Spanish army being transported from Barcelona to Italy, which he failed to do having only 10 ships. [39] With the arrival of additional ships from Britain in February 1742, Haddock successfully blockaded the Spanish coast [40] failing to force the Spanish fleet into an action. Lawrence Washington survived the yellow fever outbreak, and eventually retired to Virginia. He named his estate Mount Vernon, in honour of his former commander.

Anson expedition Edit

The success of the Porto Bello operation led the British, in September 1740, to send a squadron under Commodore George Anson to attack Spain's possessions in the Pacific. Before they reached the Pacific, numerous men had died from disease, and they were in no shape to launch any sort of attack. [24] Anson reassembled his force in the Juan Fernández Islands, allowing them to recuperate before he moved up the Chilean coast, raiding the small town of Paita. He reached Acapulco too late to intercept the yearly Manila galleon, which had been one of the principal objectives of the expedition. He retreated across the Pacific, running into a storm that forced him to dock for repairs in Canton. After this he tried again the following year to intercept the Manila galleon. He accomplished this on 20 June 1743 off Cape Espiritu Santo, capturing more than a million gold coins. [39]

Anson sailed home, arriving in London more than three and a half years after he had set out, having circumnavigated the globe in the process. Less than a tenth of his forces had survived the expedition. Anson's achievements helped establish his name and wealth in Britain, leading to his appointment as First Lord of the Admiralty.

Florida Edit

In 1740, the inhabitants of Georgia launched an overland attack on the fortified city of St. Augustine in Florida, supported by a British naval blockade, but were repelled. The British forces led by James Oglethorpe, the Governor of Georgia, besieged St. Augustine for over a month before retreating, and abandoned their artillery in the process. The failure of the Royal Navy blockade to prevent supplies reaching the settlement was a crucial factor in the collapse of the siege. Oglethorpe began preparing Georgia for an expected Spanish assault. The Battle of Bloody Mose, where the Spanish and free black forces repelled Oglethorpe's forces at Fort Mose, was also a part of the War of Jenkins' Ear. [41]

French neutrality Edit

When war broke out in 1739, both Britain and Spain expected that France would join the war on the Spanish side. This played a large role in the tactical calculations of the British. If the Spanish and French were to operate together, they would have a superiority of ninety ships of the line. [42] In 1740, there was an invasion scare when it was believed that a French fleet at Brest and a Spanish fleet at Ferrol were about to combine and launch an invasion of England. [43] Although this proved not to be the case, the British kept the bulk of their naval and land forces in southern England to act as a deterrent.

Many in the British government were afraid to launch a major offensive against the Spanish, for fear that a major British victory would draw France into the war to protect the balance of power. [44]

Invasion of Georgia Edit

In 1742, the Spanish launched an attempt to seize the British colony of Georgia. Manuel de Montiano commanded 2,000 troops, who were landed on St Simons Island off the coast. General Oglethorpe rallied the local forces and defeated the Spanish regulars at Bloody Marsh and Gully Hole Creek, forcing them to withdraw. Border clashes between the colonies of Florida and Georgia continued for the next few years, but neither Spain nor Britain undertook offensive operations on the North American mainland.

Second attack on La Guaira (2 March 1743) Edit

The British attacked several locations in the Caribbean with little consequence to the geopolitical situation in the Atlantic. The weakened British forces under Vernon launched an attack against Cuba, landing in Guantánamo Bay with a plan to march the 45 miles to Santiago de Cuba and capture the city. [45] Vernon clashed with the army commander, and the expedition withdrew when faced with heavier Spanish opposition than expected. Vernon remained in the Caribbean until October 1742, before heading back to Britain he was replaced by admiral Chaloner Ogle, who took command of a sickly fleet. Less than half the sailors were fit for duty. The following year, a smaller fleet of Royal Navy led by commodore Charles Knowles raided the Venezuelan coast, on 2 March 1743 attacking newly La Guaira controlled by Royal Guipuzcoan Company of Caracas whose ships had rendered great assistance to the Spanish navy during War in carrying troops, arms, stores and ammunition from Spain to her colonies, and its destruction would be a severe blow both to the Company and the Spanish Crown.

After a fierce defence by Governor Gabriel José de Zuloaga's troops, Commodore Knowles, having suffered 97 killed and 308 wounded over three days, decided to retire west before sunrise on 6 March. He decided to attack nearby Puerto Cabello. Despite his orders to rendezvous at Borburata Keys—4 miles (6.4 km) east of Puerto Cabello—captains of the detached Burford, Norwich, Assistance, i Otter proceeded to Curaçao. The commodore angrily followed them in. On 28 March, he sent his smaller ships to cruise off Puerto Cabello, and once his main body had been refitted, went to sea again on 31 March. He struggled against contrary winds and currents for two weeks before finally diverting to the eastern tip of Santo Domingo by 19 April. [24]

Merger with wider war Edit

By mid-1742, the War of the Austrian Succession had broken out in Europe. Principally fought by Prussia and Austria over possession of Silesia, the war soon engulfed most of the major powers of Europe, who joined two competing alliances. The scale of this new war dwarfed any of the fighting in the Americas, and drew Britain and Spain's attention back to operations on the European continent. The return of Vernon's fleet in 1742 marked the end of major offensive operations in the War of Jenkins' Ear. France entered the war in 1744, emphasizing the European theatre and planning an ambitious invasion of Britain. While it ultimately failed, the threat persuaded British policymakers of the dangers of sending significant forces to the Americas which might be needed at home.

Britain did not attempt any additional attacks on Spanish possessions. In 1745, William Pepperrell of New England led a colonial expedition, supported by a British fleet under Commodore Peter Warren, against the French fortress of Louisbourg on Cape Breton Island off Canada. Pepperrell was knighted for his achievement, but Britain returned Louisbourg to the French by the Treaty of Aix-La-Chapelle in 1748. A decade later, during the Seven Years' War (known as the French and Indian War in the North American theatre), British forces under Lord Jeffrey Amherst and General Wolfe recaptured it. [46] [ pages needed ]

Privateering Edit

The war involved privateering by both sides. Anson captured a valuable Manila galleon, but this was more than offset by the numerous Spanish privateering attacks on British shipping along the transatlantic triangular trade route. They seized hundreds of British ships, looting their goods and slaves, and operated with virtual impunity in the West Indies they were also active in European waters. The Spanish convoys proved almost unstoppable. During the Austrian phase of the war, the British fleet attacked poorly protected French merchantmen instead.

Lisbon negotiations Edit

From August 1746, negotiations began in the city of Lisbon, in neutral Portugal, to try to arrange a peace settlement. The death of Philip V of Spain had brought his son Ferdinand VI to the throne, and he was more willing to be conciliatory over the issues of trade. However, because of their commitments to their Austrian allies, the British were unable to agree to Spanish demands for territory in Italy and talks broke down. [47]

The eventual diplomatic resolution formed part of the wider settlement of the War of the Austrian Succession by the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle which restored the status quo ante. [48] British territorial and economic ambitions on the Caribbean had been repelled, [49] [50] [51] while Spain, though unprepared at the start of the war, proved successful in defending their American possessions. [52] Moreover, the war put an end to the British smuggling, and the Spanish fleet was able to dispatch three treasure convoys to Europe during the war and off-balance the British squadron at Jamaica. [53] The issue of the asiento was not mentioned in the treaty, as its importance had lessened for both nations. The issue was finally settled by the 1750 Treaty of Madrid in which Britain agreed to renounce its claim to the asiento in exchange for a payment of £100,000. The South Sea Company ceased its activity, though the treaty also allowed favourable conditions for British trade with Spanish America. [54]

George Anson's expedition to the Southeast Pacific led the Spanish authorities in Lima and Santiago to advance the position of the Spanish Empire in the area. Forts were thus built in the Juan Fernández Islands and the Chonos Archipelago in 1749 and 1750. [55]

Relations between Britain and Spain improved temporarily, in subsequent years, due to a concerted effort by the Duke of Newcastle to cultivate Spain as an ally. A succession of Anglophile ministers were appointed in Spain, including José de Carvajal and Ricardo Wall, all of whom were on good terms with British Ambassador Benjamin Keene, in an effort to avoid a repeat of hostilities. As a result, during the early part of the Seven Years' War between Britain and France, Spain remained neutral. However, it later joined the French and lost both Havana and Manila to the British in 1762, although both were returned as part of the peace settlement.

The War of Jenkins' Ear is commemorated annually on the last Saturday in May at Wormsloe Plantation in Savannah, Georgia.


Attention is also drawn to the following publications:

Emerick, Keith, Conserving and Managing Ancient Monuments: Heritage, Democracy and Inclusion (Woodbridge: The Boydell P., 2014 pp. 282. £60).

Lazarski, Christopher, Power Tends to Corrupt: Lord Acton’s Study of Liberty (De Kalb, IL: Northern Illinois U.P., 2012 pp. 324. $65).

Moran, Christopher R., and Murphy, Christopher J. (eds.), Intelligence Studies in Britain and the US: Historiography since 1945 (Edinburgh: Edinburgh U.P., 2013 pp. 316. £70).

Thomas, Suzie, and Lea, Joanne (eds.), Public Participation in Archaeology (Woodbridge: The Boydell P., 2014 pp. 205. £60).

Curry-Machado, Jonathan, Global Histories, Imperial Commodities, Local Interactions (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013 pp. 286. £60).

Della Casa, Giovanni, Galateo: The Rules of Polite Behaviour, ed. and tr. M.F. Rusnak (Chicago, IL: U. of Chicago P., 2013 pp. 103. $15).

Knapp, Andrew, and Footitt, Hilary (eds.), Liberal Democracies at War: Conflict and Representation (London: Bloomsbury, 2013 pp. 245. £19.99).


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